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The Paramaterial Phantasy

The World Turned Upside Down: Revolutions in the Microcosm and Macrocosm, and the Crystalline Humor in the Three Eyes of Early Modern Optical Anatomy. Part One.

This entry is part [part not set] of 2 in the series The World Turned Upside Down: Revolutions in the Microcosm and Macrocosm, and the Crystalline Humor in the Three Eyes of Early Modern Optical Anatomy.

The World Turned Upside Down: Revolutions in the Microcosm and Macrocosm and the Crystalline Humor in the Three Eyes of Early Modern Optical Anatomy

Part I. The Three Fleshly Eyes of Early Modern Optical Anatomy

Augustine famously discusses the three eyes of a perceiver. He details that, first, there is the eye of the flesh. Second, there is the eye of the spirit. And third, there is an eye of the intellect. All three eyes converge and interact to constitute sensation and perception’s interrelation with thought. The fleshly, bodily, and corporeal eye, consisting of the bodily organ, experiences the physical vision of things present before it. The spiritual eye, consisting of the faculty of the mind responsible for internal vision, mentally imagines or reconstructs things not immediately present before the corporeal eye. The intellectual eye, consisting of the Christian as well as spiritual soul, attends to knowledge acquired by the other eyes and also to spiritual matters and God. While all three of Augustine’s eyes have a bearing on early modern understandings of vision, for this post, I will focus on three very different eyes in early modern optical anatomy.[i]

The three eyes that I will discuss in this essay are all bodily eyes. Representations of the bodily eye, responsible for sensation and, in many theories, for perception, underwent a major shift during the course of the sixteenth century and into the seventeenth. The changes in ocular anatomy from 1543 to 1619 occurred at an alarming rate as anatomists turned their eyes from classical authorities and dissected non-human animal eyes to the eyes of the human animal. It is possible to debate the elite science’s sphere of influence upon popular beliefs and cultural practices, and while new theories of vision and models from optical anatomy took a long time to establish themselves in scientific and popular thought, it is my contention that they led to fundamentally different theories of a perceiver’s relationship with the world and to themselves. The eye, like the heavens to which it was often compared, became a conflicted space that underwent a radical theoretical reorientation and reconfiguration by the early seventeenth century.

In a period when natural philosophers found reflections of the divine ordering and structure of the universe, the macrocosm, in the body, the microcosm, and even in its parts, the conceptual framework often depended upon analogical and anagogical thinking that read similarity as a bearer of genuine connection. Astronomers and anatomists challenged the traditional ordering of both the macrocosm and the microcosm of the eye from the mid-sixteenth century and developed new models by the early seventeenth.

The German polymath, Johannes Kepler, played a key role in the revolutions in both the macrocosm and the microcosm. Perhaps most famous for his contributions to astronomy when he defended and elaborated upon Nicholas Copernicus’ hypothesis that the universe revolved, not around the earth, but rather around the sun, Kepler made important contributions to theoretically reorganizing the structure of the cosmos, and his work helped replace a Ptolemaic geocentric model of the universe with a Copernican heliocentric one.

At the level of the microcosm, Kepler made another important contribution to yet another revolution. Arguably the most important development of early modern physiology, his 1604 Astronomiae Pars Optica argued that the bodily eye’s lens focuses light and projects it onto the retinal screen at the back of the eye. The problem for Kepler and for theorists of vision and optics for some time following was that if the lens focuses the visual field and projects it upon the retina, the image within the eye would be inverted with respect to vertical orientation and flipped with respect to horizontal orientation. 

The importance of this revolution in the microcosm should not be understated. A. C. Crombie argues that Kepler’s discovery of the eyes’ function constitutes an achievement that rivals, if not surpasses, William Harvey’s discovery that the heart operates as a pump that circulated blood. Crombie argues that a theory of “mechanization” of the body preceded Harvey’s discovery and that this “mechanized” view of the body helped lead to Kepler’s revolution in optical anatomy.

Historian of vision, David C. Lindberg, challenges Crombie’s argument that Kepler was a revolutionary figure. Lindberg ultimately concludes that Kepler represents “the culminating figure in the perspectivist tradition,” “strenuously object[ing] to Crombie’s and Straker’s attempt to view him as a revolutionary figure who transformed visual theory by ‘mechanizing’ it” (Lindberg 207). While Lindberg objects to Crombie’s arguments, I do think Kepler’s theory of vision was revolutionary at its core. To me, the very idea of postulating an eye that did not see either as the visual field before it or as the mind perceived it was a revolutionary move that had the effect of turning the world upside down with respect to the eye. In order to understand the groundbreaking nature of Kepler’s revolution with respect to ocular anatomy, I will use this essay to explore the representations of ocular anatomy and the eye’s functioning preceding and immediately following Kepler’s.

Oddly enough, although cultural and literary critics and historians have extensively studied vision from the late medieval and early modern periods, no one, to my knowledge, yet theorizes the importance of the very profound differences between pre-modern and modern optical anatomy and the theories of vision to which they are bound. In pointing out this oversight, I am not only referring to critics who anachronistically refer to the retinal image in their discussions of pre-seventeenth-century literature and culture, but also to critics who discuss philosophical skepticism or the early modern sensorium without acknowledging the importance of the way contemporary theories of the senses and vision underwent profound changes in the early modern period.[ii]

Historians of science and historians of the senses, on the other hand, cover some of this ground, but their methods often promote and trace narratives of scientific progress that, in my opinion, have two major shortcomings when viewed from the perspective of a cultural and literary critic. The first shortcoming is that these histories of science often deploy a top-down approach that rarely turns to popular culture to explore how scientific developments and thoughts shape and are shaped by broader historical and cultural concerns and shifts. The second is that the focus on scientific progress leads to blind spots in their field of vision when they only study the major figures without attending to how popular and vernacular works describe the same processes.

Take Lindberg’s discussion of the retinal image, for example. In his discussion of Leonardo da Vinci’s unpublished journals that grapple with the notion of the possible inversion of the image within the eye, Lindberg says with subtle sarcasm, “one of Leonardo’s major preoccupations was with the actual path of rays through the eye. His chief concern was to get the rays to the visual power at the end of the optic nerve without inversion, for he must by all means guard against that absurdity” (Lindberg 166). The lengths to which Leonardo goes to try to right the inverted image makes perfect sense when you consider that proposing an inverted image within the eye would be an unthinkable absurdity. For most of human history, the image within the eye was thought to necessarily conform to the visual field before it and to the way in which it was perceived by the mind.

While Lindberg proves a valuable resource for the study of the history of theories of vision, and while he places our understanding of Kepler’s contributions within the framework of a long history of optics, situating him as tied to the medieval tradition, his work is also directed towards exposing the paths that lead to major discoveries rather than exploring the terrain of how such theories and discoveries shape and are shaped by popular culture. My hope is that by exploring those elite discourses alongside popular discourses, we can come to a better understanding about how vision and our sense of “seeing” is itself culturally contingent and shaped through discourse.

Perhaps the best recent work on early modern vision, the eye’s relationship to the inner senses, and the changes happening in both elite and popular discourses on the eye is Stuart Clark’s fascinating book, Vanities of the Eye. In conjunction with his earlier Thinking with Demons, Clark provides invaluable insight into early modern theories of perception and cognition that straddle the boundaries between elite and popular discourses, and between intellectual histories of vision and cultural criticism. In Vanities, Clark argues that vision was “derationalized” over the course of the seventeenth century, challenging the notion that understandings of the eye became more scientific and rational. Even Clark, though, does not really address the profound changes in optical anatomy from roughly the mid-sixteenth to the mid-seventeenth centuries. It is my contention that the process of de-centering the power within the eye contributes to the process of “derationalizing” premodern conceptions of the eye and orders of vision.

This essay will address the potential revolutionary changes in optical anatomy from 1543 to 1619 in two parts. The first half of this essay maps the terrain of early modern optical anatomy. In this part, I argue that the early modern period had three different stages and models of the eye’s structure. The three early modern eyes I detail in this part trace the de-centering movement of the crystalline humor in theories of vision from its early placement at the very center of the eye to its position towards the front of the eye.

The second half of this essay details the associations established between the microcosm of the eye and the macrocosm. In this part, I argue that the developments I discuss in part one relate to changes in theories of the macrocosm. By exploring vernacular discussions of the crystalline humor and its position within the bodily eye, I show how those symbolic resemblances and correspondences in its de-centering prefigure and reflect the reconfiguration of the cosmos.

As I discuss briefly in a previous post, prior to Kepler and the ultimate acceptance of his theory of ocular anatomy, the lens itself did not focus and project light upon the rear surface of the eye, but, instead, was thought to be the “seat of vision.” This seat of vision, called the “crystalline humor,” received the impressions or species of external objects, transferring them, no matter if vision acquired those impressions through extramission or intromission[iii], to the inner senses. While I have discussed those “impressions,” the objects of sensation and perception, and the internal senses before and most likely will again, for now I want to focus on the ways in which the material organ itself underwent a broad historical shift from the mid-sixteenth century to the early seventeenth century.

The crystalline humor was thought of as the seat of vision. Its important position with respect to vision depended not only upon its function, but also upon its physical location within the organ of sight. At the center of a sphere, the crystalline humor occupied not only a central position within explanations of its function but also a central position within the physical eye itself. Early optical anatomies and theories of sight seemingly depended upon the notion that a physically central component reflected and manifested its nobility and centrality to functioning. Many early optical anatomies distorted the position and shape of the crystalline humor within the eye to make it conform more to the idea that it was the most important component of the eye. As with contemporary theories the macrocosm, the physically central position bore symbolic and real significance. Just as the earth stood at the center of the cosmos, the crystalline humor stood at the center of the eye.

The Galenic Eye and Vesalius

I will turn first to the model of the eye I will refer to as the “Galenic eye.” While its representation has the longest history, my visual example comes from the first widely printed work of early modern anatomy, Andreas Vesalius’ monumental De Humani Corporis Fabrica of 1543.

The eye as Vesalius represents it in his De Fabrica. This image from a Venetian 1568 edition, page 495.

The eye as Vesalius represents it in his De Fabrica. This image from a Venetian 1568 edition, page 495.

In Vesalius’ figure, we see the crystalline humor positioned at the exact center of the oracular orb. The shape, too, appears more spherical than it should when compared to the images of optical anatomy from a modern anatomy book, and I will compare this Galenic eye to the modern eye later in this post. First, however, I want to attend to Vesalius’ representation and its subsequent critics.

Vesalius famously took issue with anatomies that were based in the repetition of ancient authorities and upon the dissection of non-human animals instead of upon direct observation of human bodies. Despite his corrective to many classically based misunderstandings of human anatomy, Vesalius errs in his representation of the eye, conforming to a model of optical anatomy that placed the crystalline humor almost in the center of the eye.[iv] While the crystalline humor he positions at the eye’s center is not perfectly spherical, in previous and in many later descriptions of the crystalline humor, natural philosophers often referred to it as a sphere. While not perfectly spherical in the image above, many texts continued to describe the central position and spherical shape of the crystalline humor as evidence of its nobility and its central role in the process of vision well past criticisms of such representations.

In the first widely printed work of modern anatomy, Vesalius followed classical authority in placing what had long been considered the seat of vision directly at the center of the eye. The whole of ocular anatomy’s description of the eye placed the eye’s other parts in relation to the crystalline humor. Vesalius, and many other optical theorists and anatomists, emphasized the importance of the crystalline humor. It was not only physically positioned at the very center of the eye, but also the whole of the eye served its centralized power. The fluids which filled the eye provided the crystalline with “nutrition,” the eye’s coats and its spherical shape were designed to protect and enclose it, and the colors on the inside surface of the eye “refreshed” it. It would seem that the crystalline humor’s unassailable centrality to the eye’s function demanded that it remain physically as well as symbolically central to the organ of sight.         

The figure in De Fabrica maintains the eye’s integrity and analogical link to the cosmos by placing the crystalline at the eye’s very center.  Like the earth at the center of the geocentric universe, the crystalline humor maintained its importance by that centrality[v]. The crystalline humor, analogically, and, often, anagogically, related to its object, the world itself, received likenesses of that world in the form of visual objects. 

Despite his placement of the crystalline humor, Vesalius made at least one important contribution with respect to ocular anatomy. The optic nerve, previously widely reported as hollow, turned out not to be hollow at all. Although the notion of the optic nerve as a conduit for vital spirits to transfer to and from the eye and the internal senses or wits persisted in dominant theories of visual perception, the change might have challenged the understanding that spirits carried the species or images into the inner recourses of the brain.[vi]

The Mediate Early Modern Eye

Vesalius’ distortion of ocular anatomy, however, did not go unrecognized for too long after the publication of his book. It was Vesalius’ possible successor at Padua and eventual rival, Realdo Colombo, who corrected Vesalius’ optical anatomy, pointing out and partially amending Vesalius’ error in Colombo’s only publication, the De Re Anatomica, published in 1559. Colombo claims that, like many of the errors Vesalius corrected based on classical anatomists’ dissection of animal bodies, Vesalius’ error derived from the anatomy of large animal eyes, most likely bovine, instead of human eyes. As Colombo puts it,

At aliorum animalium oculi non sunt undique orbiculares, sed vel oblique, vel depressi: neque id mirum est, cum hominis figura tanto interuallo a reliquis distet animantibus. Scito praeterea neminem ante me hominis oculum descripsisse, sed omnes beluinum oculum descripsere, magno & turpi errore, in quem ipse quoque Vesalius incidit, in eius universa pene formatione cum aliis Anatomicis deceptus. Quod verum, esse facile perspicies,si Galeni,vesalii, aliorumque Anatomicorum historiam de oculo cum nostra contuleris. & profecto non leviter hi homines accusandi sunt, Galenus praefertim,& post ipsum Vesalius, qui tantam rem, tam illustrem, tam optatam, tam negligenter scribendam putarent, beluinum oculum pro humano dissecates. (397).

[But the eyes in other animals are not perfectly orbicular, but are either oblique or depressed: it is not difficult to tell the difference of human eyes from the eyes of beasts. Know that no one else before me describes the human eye, but instead described the eye of a beast, and this is the great basis of Vesalius’ error. Vesalius fell into deception with the others of his training in Anatomy. That this is true, it is easy to see clearly, if Galen, Vesalius, and others compare their history of the anatomy of the eye to mine. Many prefer Galen [before] and Vesalius after him that they accept such a thing, so illustrious, so longed for, to be negligently written, taking a dissected beast’s eye for a human eye.][vii]

Colombo goes on to note other errors in Vesalius’ anatomy of the human eye, saying later,

Erroresque Vesalii in historia de oculo nullo negocio deprehendes … nam non modo in musculis & membranis, sed in humoribus quoque decipitur, & tota errat via, existimans cristallinum humorem in centro oculi exquisite situm esse. (405).

[Errors in Vesalius’ history of the eye are not difficult to find … for he is deceived not only in the muscles and membranes, but also in the humors, and he completely errs [in positioning] the crystalline humor in the eye’s center.]

Detailing Vesalius’ errors, Colombo notes that Vesalius’ most grievous concerns the placement of the crystalline humor at the very center of the eye.

While criticizing Vesalius for distorting human optical anatomy through animal dissection rather than human dissection, Colombo distorts the eye in his own way.  He maintains a largely spherical eye, and while he moves the crystalline humor towards the front of the organ, he does not place it just behind the pupil at the front of the eye. But despite not placing the crystalline where modern anatomists situate the lens and while maintaining its centrality in the perceptual process, Colombo de-centers the crystalline humor within the organ.[viii] Even once Colombo’s de-centered crystalline humor became the norm, popular anatomies continued to stress the importance of its centrality to the eye as well as the importance of its and the eye’s spherical shape.

Colombo’s observations led to a new model in early modern optical anatomy which I will refer to as the “mediate early modern eye.” My second image comes from the tables attached to the 1583 edition of Felix Platter’s De Corporis Humani Structura Et Usu.

The Mediate Eye represented in Platter's 1583 De Corporis. Table 49.

The Mediate Eye represented in Platter’s 1583 De Corporis. Table 49.

Felix Platter, who challenged theories of vision that argued the crystalline humor was the vision’s seat as early as 1583, follows Colombo in positioning the crystalline humor more towards the front of the eye. Platter was the first to argue that the crystalline humor was not the seat of vision, arguing instead for the primacy of the optic nerve and the retinal image. Kepler probably drew upon Platter’s description, but Platter did not, at least not in his text, discuss the inversion of the retinal image.  I will return to Platter’s contributions to the retinal image below, but, for now want to discuss the representations of the mediate early modern eye like his which were the most popular representations of optical anatomy from the mid-sixteenth to early seventeenth centuries.

What follows is a series of what I am calling the mediate early modern eye taken from popular vernacular anatomies printed in English from the sixteenth and early seventeenth century.

The mediate eye from the 1634 English translation of Pare. Page 185.
The mediate eye in Crooke’s 1615 Mikrokosmographia (Microcosmographia). Distorted in this scan. Page 555.

 

 

 

By far the most popular image of ocular anatomy, the mediate early modern eye persisted in various forms and copies. Most of the above examples represent copies or close approximations of one another, but George Bartisch’s 1583 German work on ophthalmology, Opthalmodouleia Das ist Augendienst, contains a flap anatomy of a very similar construction of the eye.

The mediate eye as represented in Bartisch in 1583. Here emptied of its other humors. Flap anatomy between pages 8 and 9.
The mediate eye as represented in Bartisch in 1583. Here depicting its other humors. Flap anatomy between pages 8 and 9.

 

 

 

Bartisch’s figure shows a perfectly spherical eye, but also includes flaps that show the mediate positioning of the crystalline humor as well as by the aqueous humor before it and the vitreous humor behind it.

This mediate early modern eye is by far the most common in early modern anatomies from the late sixteenth century and well into the seventeenth. Not quite placed in its modern position just behind the pupil, but no longer positioned directly in the center of the eye, anatomists positioned the crystalline humor there for quite some time. What remains peculiar is that although most late sixteenth- and seventeenth-century anatomy books include representations of this mediate early modern eye, their descriptions often draw upon the Galenic eye even when they correct the errors found in the descriptions and representations of the eye like those found in Galen and Vesalius.

Even the printed version of Kepler’s manuscript conforms to the model established by this mediate early modern eye.

While not in Kepler's manuscript, the printed version included this image of the mediate eye.

While not in Kepler’s manuscript, the printed version included this image of the mediate eye.

While Kepler himself did not provide an illustration in his manuscript, this published text did include an image that resembles the ones I posted above. I will return later in this post and in subsequent posts to the importance of Kepler’s discovery of the retinal image, but it is important to note that the figure appearing in his 1604 Ad Vitellionem paralipomena Quibus Astronomiae pars optica traditur contains the image of the mediate early modern eye.

Despite the mediate early modern eye appearing in the printed version of his Paralipomena Kepler famously challenged the primacy of the crystalline humor, arguing instead for the importance of the retina and the retinal image. As he puts it,

Visionem fieri dico, cum totius hemisphaerii mundani, quod est ante oculum, & amplius paulo, idolum statuitur ad album subrufum retinae cauae superficiei parietam. (Kepler 168)

[I say vision is accomplished, when the whole hemisphere of the world and a bit more which is before the eye, an idolum is placed on the curved, reddish-white retinal wall.]

Unseating the crystalline humor’s primacy within the eye and in the process of vision, Kepler offers the retinal image in its stead. Before I discuss Kepler more extensively, however, I would like to turn to some early modern textual descriptions of the eye as they embody the tensions between the representations of the Galenic eye and the mediate early modern eye.

Even in texts which represent the mediate early modern eye, the verbal descriptions often draw upon the Galenic eye for the significance of the organ of sight. Despite acknowledging that the crystalline humor was not at the center of the eye or in the shape of a perfect sphere, later anatomical treatises often laud it for its centrality and spherical shape. In his 1578 The Historie of Man, John Banister does the same while simultaneously registering Colombo’ corrective contribution to ocular anatomy when he describes the crystalline humor as follows:

The second humor of the eye is Christalloides; or Christallinus, called so, for because it shineth like light, and in pure clearenes comparable to the christall. The place where it is sited is towardes the forepartes, almost in the centre of the eye, beyng amplected olf the hinder part with the vitrious humor, hauyng no other Membran interiacent or lyeng betwene: but before couered with Aranea. The figure of the christalline humor is round, but in the fore part depressed: where it respecteth the watrish humor, it is lyke the kynde of a pulse called a lentill. The substaunce, of this humor is somewhat hard. The vse therof is exiellent & most noble: beyng almost the principall member of sight, pleasaunt to be marked, and worthy to be knowen, not iniuriously therfore called the idole, or Image of seeing. (Banister 102).

In Banister’s description of the eye, we see that he has corrected his optical anatomy in accordance with Colombo’s observations, but he also partly conforms to the notion that the crystalline humor lies more central to the eye and that it has a round shape though depressed on the forepart. Banister does acknowledge that the chrystalline humor only “almost” sits in the center of the eye, and notes that the lens is round but is “in the fore part depressed,” but the legacy built up around the crystalline humor’s centrality to the organ of sight remains strong in Banister’s description. Banister notes that the crystalline humor is “excellent & most noble” partly based on the notion that its centrality confirmed the nobility both of the humor and of vision in general.

Banister even refers directly to Colombo’s critique of Vesalius, translating Colombo’s attack almost verbatim. He says,

The fashion of the eyes in man is rounde: which if you marke well, you shall finde that nothyng elles in the body hath a direct rounde proportion. But in other creatures the eyes are not directly round, no, rather oblique or depressed. Neither is that marueilous, whilest the figure of man differeth from all other creatures in no small poynt. Neither more openly, then worthely, hath Realdus Collumbus reproued such as hitherto haue made description of the eyes, by frequentation of brutish Anathomies: which clearely he noteth in Galen, and after him Vesalius, whose skilfulnes in matters Anathomicall no man neglecteth: yet with no small negligence is he spotted in this point, since, so carelesly to write in a matter so great, excellent, and oft wished he blushed not. (Banister 102).

Again, Banister notes the spherical shape of the eye, going further to suggest that no other part of the body comes as close to the shape of a perfect sphere. It was the perfectly spherical shape and the crystalline humor’s centrality within it that reinforced and confirmed the eye’s connection to the macrocosm’s ordering of the heavenly spheres.

Similar to the English Banister, the same tension appears in popular works on the eye translated into English towards the end of the sixteenth century. The French physician Jacques Guillemeau, in the English translation of his One Hundred Thirteen Diseases of the Eye, describes the crystalline humor as follows:

His seat is in the middest between the waterish and glassie humor, not onlie ministring nourishment and moisture, and so preserving from drinesse, but also to helpe and preserve the same, and to moderate & appease the rage of spirites and colours, which might hurte it. The fashion of it is rounde, whiche more easily resisteth outward injuries: for this figure is hardlie hurt, because it hath no corners. It is true that the roundnesse of it is somewhat pressed and pinched before and behind, but so that therby it remaineth more sure and stedfast in the place, whiche was harde to bee done in a round figure. (Guillemeau Chapter 4).

Guillemeau does not include any illustrations, but his description appears to place the crystalline directly in the center of the eye like the Galenic eye. Even if Guillemeau is referring to the mediate early modern eye, his verbal description could give a potential reader the impression that the eye was arranged in accordance with the Galenic model. He, too, notes the centrality of the crystalline humor, providing an explanation as to why the seat of vision is not perfectly spherical.

Nearly every other work published in English on the anatomy of the eye I have found from the late sixteenth century into the early seventeenth century, when they include images, represent the mediate early modern eye, and, when they describe optical anatomy, describe the crystalline humor as the eye’s primary part, but also note its centric, or nearly centric, position within the orb of the eye. This includes works by Englishmen like John Banister, Helkiah Crooke and popular works translated from French into English like Pierre La Pimaudaye’s The French Academie, André du Laurens’ A Discourse of the Preservation of the Sight: of Melancholike diseases; of Rheums, and of Old Age, Jacques Guillemeau’s A Worthy Treatise of the Eyes, and Ambroise Paré’s Workes among others.

The crystalline humor’s centrality to a spherical eye trailed clouds of significance. I will return to some of those elements below when I discuss the treatment of the eye as a microcosm, but here want to discuss one description that casts the crystalline humor’s position in heroic terms. In 1594, French physician André du Laurens first published his Discours de la conservation de la veue: des maladies meloncholiques des catarrhes, which the English Richard Surphlet soon translated. With good reason, I quote the beautiful 1599 Surphlet translation at length:

Loe thus all vailes, shadowes and covert being taken away, it is now time to make a plaine and open shew of the most precious jewell of the eye, that rich diamond, that beautiful christall, which is of more worth than all the pearles of the East. This is that icelike humour, which is the principall instrument of the sight, the soule of the eye, the inward spectacle: this is that humour which alone is altered by colours, & receiveth whatsoever formes the things that are to be seene. This is that chirstalline humour, which in more hardie wise then Hercules, dares to encounter two at once, namely, the outward and the inward light. This is that onely christalline humour, which all the other parts of the eye acknowledge their sovereigne, and themselves the vassals thereof: for the hornie tunicle doth the office of a glasse unto it: the apple, the office of a window: the grapelike coate is as a fayre flowering garden, to cheare and rejoyce the same after wearisome labout: the cobweblike coate serveth as lead to retaine such formes as are offered: the waterish humour as a warlike foreward, to intercept and breake off the first charge of the objects thereof, assaying all upon the sudden, and with headlong violence to make breach and entrance: The vitreous humour is his cooke, dressing and setting forth in most fit sort his daily repast: The nerve opticke, one of his ordinary messengers, carrying from the braine thereto, commandment and power to see, and conveying backe againe with all speede whatsoever hath been seene: The muscles are his loftie steedes and couragious courses, whereup being mounted it advanceth it selfe aloft, casteth it selfe alow, turneth it selfe on the right and left hand: and finally in every such sort, as seemeth best unto it selfe. In briefe, this is the principall part of the eye, which I intend to describe… (Du Laurens 34).

Du Laurens positions the crystalline humor, which he later states is “placed in the middest of the eye, as in his center, to the end it may equally and indifferently intertaine and admit of both the lights” (34), as a Herculean hero and sovereign of the eye. The whole of optical anatomy serves the crystalline humor as its master, and that master engages in a mythological epic battle between two different assailants, the outward and inner lights.

The centrality of the crystalline humor to the eye reaches a metaphorical apex in du Laurens’ description, and his wonderful elaboration also exposes how the crystalline humor was seen as a type of sovereign as well as how the physical arrangement of the space within the eye could take on analogical and significance. The physical centrality and the functional centrality of the crystalline humor are intertwined not only in du Laurens’ elaborate metaphorical riffing but also in the anatomical descriptions of the eye itself. The sovereign of the eye must be spherical and central to its kingdom. Kepler would play an important role in de-centering its power further and culminating in its regicide. Before that time, however, the crystalline humor, as in du Laurens’ description, ruled the eye from a centralized seat of visual power.

I will return to the significance of metaphors du Laurens deploys below, but, before I do, I first want to discuss the final early modern eye or, simply, the modern eye. It was not until 1619 with the publication of Jesuit Christoph Scheiner’s Oculus hoc est: Fundamentum opticum that an anatomically “correct” image of the eye was printed.

The modern eye from Scheiner in 1619. Page 17.

The modern eye from Scheiner in 1619. Page 17.

This crude figure of the eye more closely resembles the eye of modern anatomy.[ix] Here, we see an eye that is not a perfect sphere with a lens that is no longer close to being central to the organ. Clearly towards the forepart of the eye, the lens nestles just behind the pupil, focusing and reflecting light on the curved surface of the retina at the rear of the eye. As I mentioned above, even Kepler’s work contains an image of the eye that differs dramatically from modern representations.

Scheiner’s work on optics verified Platter’s and Kepler’s earlier contentions that the retina rather than the crystalline humor was the central component of the eye.[x] Not only did the retinal image now dominate optical theory, but also completed the de-centering and dethroning of the eye’s previous seat of power, the crystalline humor. From this point forward, in elite science at least, the formerly mighty crystalline humor was relegated to a subservient role with respect to the retina and its retinal image.  

One can see this modern representation of ocular anatomy in my final visual example which comes from René Descartes’ text, probably the single most recognizable image of early modern optical anatomy. In this image, we find an eye must closer to the ones we find in a modern anatomy book. Not only is the lens placed much closer to the forepart of the eye, but the eye itself is no longer represented as perfectly spherical.

The modern eye depicted as a camera obscura in Descartes.

The modern eye depicted as a camera obscura in Descartes.

I will return to Descartes’ conception of vision and the importance of this figure in the second half of this essay, but his representation stands as a good example of what I will call the “modern eye,” despite the fact that it still differs in some aspects from what we think of when we turn to contemporary books of human anatomy. Descartes not only compared the human eye to a camera obscura, but also claimed the eye worked in the exact same way as the device and effectively was a camera obscura.

Descartes, like Kepler before him, accepted the retinal image and its inversion. Unlike Kepler, Descartes did not stop his investigation at the retinal image, theorizing the image from the eye at least as far as the pineal gland, and explaining that “it is the soul which sees, and not the eye; and it does not see directly, but only by means of the brain” (Descartes, Selected Philosophical Writings 68). The retinal image contributed in no small degree to Descartes’ philosophical skepticism. The disconnect established between sensation within the eye and perception in the soul dismantled theories that expressed their relationship and connection. While Descartes borrows many of his skeptical arguments from prior skeptical models, it is the retinal image that creates slightly different epistemological horizons for philosophical skepticism.[xi]

I do not mean to suggest that either Kepler or Descartes were singular geniuses that emerged from historical vacuums. Kepler continued to promote a quasi-Aristotelian understanding of the sensitive soul and Descartes not only adapted earlier skeptical motifs but also reiterated the quasi-Aristotelian model of the sensitive soul even if he pushed it beyond the pineal gland. Both figures shaped and were shaped by theories of perception available at the time of their writing.

The three corporeal eyes I discuss in the first half of this essay present the range of ocular anatomy from before 1543 to 1619, and I have shown the predominance of the mediate early modern eye in this period. Lindberg wonders what took so optical theories and ocular anatomists so long in coming to the realization that the crystalline humor functioned as a lens that projected light upon the retina when the relevant geometry and understanding of lenses were present for a long time previously. Part of the reason it took so long to discover the retinal image and correctly represent ocular anatomy has to do with the “absurdity” of claiming that the image within the eye was upside down and horizontally flipped.

In the next section, I explore the analogical and anagogical relationships developed in late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century popular vernacular discourses that help explain what made de-centering the eye’s seat of power difficult and potentially revolutionary. These cultural beliefs, I suspect, made recognizing the correct position and function of the crystalline humor so difficult even beyond the absurdity of the retinal image and its inversion.

Broader cultural beliefs and practices shape early modern discourses on vision. The very notion that the eye must contain a species or image that conforms to the visual plane before it or as it is perceived in the mind was the biggest obstacle for early modern theorists of optics to overcome, but other discourses shaped their own perception of the eye. One wonders, for example, why Colombo and those who represented the mediate early modern eye not only emphasized a perfectly spherical shape to the human organ of vision and why, even when de-centering the position of the crystalline humor, they continued to place it, not towards the forepart of the eye, but more towards its center.

One explanation is that when early modern anatomists looked at the eye’s interior, they saw a radically different eye than modern anatomists. They saw within it a microcosm of the macrocosm. They saw an organ whose central functional component should occupy the organ’s physical center, and whose other parts were arranged in relation to and served this “sovereign” within the eye. The legacy of discourses that proclaimed the crystalline humor’s superiority and sovereignty shaped their own perception of the anatomized human eye. Even when they recognized, following the period of Vesalius, that the crystalline humor was not in the exact center of the orb of the eye, cultural discourses shaped their thought and perception in such a way as to construct the mediate early modern eye.

The anatomists’ shaping of sense also influenced and affected the recognition of the retinal image and its inversion. Not only did they see the crystalline humor as the eye’s seat of vision, but it was also imperative that the image within the eye conform to the orientation of the visual field and the way in which the mind perceived that visual field, and such an a priori stance obstructed the retinal image and its inversion’s acceptance. Even though many theorists of optics were probably aware of the camera obscura, they did not directly argue that the eye worked exactly like a camera obscura until much later since it was known that the camera obscura projected an inverted image upon a screen placed behind it. In the next section, I will go on to discuss the retinal image and inversion as well as the ways popular vernacular discourses published in or translated into English shaped and were shaped by ocular anatomy.

Works Cited

Banister, John. The Historie of Man. London 1578. (The English Experience 122). Amsterdam: Da Capo Press, 1969.

Bartisch, George. [Opthalmodouleia] Das ist Augendienst. Dresden: durch Matthes Stockel, 1583.

Clark, Stuart. Vanities of the Eye. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009.

Colombo, Realdus. De re Anatomica libri XV. Paris: Apud Andream Wechelum, sub Pegaso, in vico Bellouaco, 1562.

Crombie, A.C. “The Mechanistic Hypothesis and the Scientific Study of Vision.” Science, Optics, and Music in Medieval and Early Modern Thought. London: The Hambledon Press, 1990. 175-254?

Crooke, Helkiah. Mikrokosmographia. A Description of the Body of Man. [London]: William Iaggard, 1615.

Davies, John. Nosce Teipsum. London: Richard Field for John Standish, 1599.

Descartes, Rene. Selected Philosophical Writings. New York: Cambridge UP, 1988.

Du Laurens, Andreas Richard Surphlet translation. A Discourse of the Preservation of the Sight: Of Melancholike Diseases; of Rheums, and of Old age. London: Felix Kingston for Ralph Jacson, 1599.

Guillemeau, Jacques. A Worthy Treatise of the Eyes contayning the knowlege and cure of one hundred and thirteen dieseases, incident unto them. London, 1587.

Hakewill, George. The Vanitie of the Eie. Oxford: Joseph Barnes, 1608.

Kepler, Johannes. Ad Vitellionem Paralipomena, Quibus Astronomiae Pars Optica Traditur. Francofvrti: Apud Claudium Marnium & Haeredes Ioannis Aubrli, 1604.

Lindberg, David C. Theories of Vision from Al-Kindi to Kepler. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981.

Paré, Ambroise. The workes of that famous chirurgion Ambrose Parey translated out of Latine and compared with. London: Th[omas] Cotes and R[obert] Young, 1634.

Park, David. The Fire Within the Eye. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton UP, 1997.

Platter, Felix. De Corporis Humani Structura et Usu. Libri III. Basil: Per Ambrosium Frob., 1583.

Scheiner, Christopher. Oculus Hoc Est: Fundamentum Opticum. Apud Danielem Agricolam, 1619.

Spruit, Leen. Species Intelligibilis: From Perception to Knowledge. Volume Two: Renaissance Controversies, Later Scholasticism, and the Elimination of the Intelligible Species in Modern Philosophy. New York: Brill, 1995.

Summers, David. Vision, Reflection, & Desire in Western Painting. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: The University of North Carolina Press, 2007.

Tachau, Katherine H. Vision and Certitude in the Age of Ockham. Optics, Epistemology, and the Foundation of Semantics. Amsterdam: Brill, 1988.

Tomkis, Thomas. Lingua, or the Combat of the Tongue and the Five Senses for Superiority. London: G. Eld for Simon Waterson, 1607.

Vesalius, Andreas. De Humani Corporis Fabrica. Venice: Apud Franciscum Franciscium & Joannem Criegher, 1568.


[i] For Augustine on the three eyes and the three types of vision see de Genesi ad litteram lib. XII. 6.15 to 7.29. I will talk more about these passages and the concepts of both the corporeal and intellectual species upon which they were based in later posts. Additionally, for a long history of the species, see both Katharine Tachau’s Vision and Certitude and Leen Spruit’s two volume work on the history of the intellectual species.

[ii] I would add, too, that recent critics, challenging the primacy of vision in their own right by tending to the importance of the other four senses often overlook the ways in which medieval and early modern constructions of the sensitive soul stress the interconnectivity of the external senses in the sensus communis. I do think their work makes important contribution to our understanding of the pre-modern sensorium, but would like to see more work that discusses the ways in which the quasi-Aristotelian sensitive soul, as inherited by medieval and early moderns, conjoin the discrete external senses in the inner senses. I intend to challenge the separation of the senses in later posts.

[iii] I will discuss the theories of extramission and intromission in a later post as well. While Lindberg stresses how theories of extramission were abandoned relatively early in elite discourses on optics and vision, there is evidence that the theories persisted popularly for some time following. Lindberg’s focus on elite discourses and in the pursuit of mapping out the discoveries that led to the development towards modern optics lead to ignoring the very real presence of theories of extramission in popular culture for some time following. On the other side of the spectrum, literary critics often fall into the trap of making the opposite claim, implying that the theory of extramission was much more widely accepted in the sixteenth century than they actually were.

[iv] For an excellent discussion of the history of early modern anatomy, see Jonathan Sawday’s The Body Emblazoned.

[v] One could argue that the geocentric model itself made only a strange type of sense in a macrocosm governed by God.  If the earth were important to an omnipotent and immaterial God, then the earth, with the exception of Hell, would be condemned to the basest realm of the cosmos.  David Summers makes a similar point in his Vision, Reflection, & Desire in Western Painting.

[vi] In this post, I would like to attend to the position of the crystalline humor but will discuss this more in a later post.

[vii] Forgive my hack job translation here. If anyone could help clarify and fix my translation, I would be most grateful. The Banister echo cited below probably comes closer to the sentiment in Colombo than my own translation.

[viii] Despite Colombo’s assertion that Vesalius’ error resulted from the dissection of animal rather than human eyes, Colombo’s own distortion gives us pause.  Why would Colombo correct the misplacement of the crystalline humor only somewhat, and why did he maintain a perfectly spherical eye?  We are, of course, in the realm of speculation here, but I would contend that his own error most likely resulted from the same cause that led to Vesalius’.  He simply did not see it, and could not believe the dissected human eye in front of his own living eye. I do not mean to say that Colombo’s charge that Vesalius’ eye was a deliberate distortion or that we have any reason to discount his contention that Vesalius dissected bovine eyes.  The cow’s lens is larger, more spherical, and more central to a cow’s eye but its overall shape is even less spherical than a human’s, and, yet, Vesalius maintains a perfectly spherical eye.  Why, then, would Colombo correct Vesalius’ gross error of the placement of the crystalline humor, yet not correct the overall shape of the eye itself nor place the crystalline humor in its “correct” location towards the front of the eye?  Dissection, I have been told and from vague memories of high school biology, is a messy business.  The body cannot be as neatly “seen” as a diagram supposedly showing the same structures.  Vesalius and Colombo could have accounted for their distortions by chalking them up to, say, the process of removing the eye from the ocular cavity or having pressed too hard while cutting into them, but I do think there is a possibility that they simply could not see the structure because their fantasies were shaped by their understanding of how vision operated.

[ix] I am not sure if more detailed figures were ever included in editions of this work, but my point is that even a crude figure like this offers an eye that more resembles modern optical anatomy than the previous examples.

[x] He also placed the optic nerve, not at the center of the back of the eye but in its more correct position towards one side.

[xi] While the relationship to skepticism exceeds the boundaries of this essay, as it will be an important concern in my other work, I wanted to mention it here.

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Posted in Early Modern Senses, Philosophical Skepticism, Shaping Sense Tagged anatomy, optics, Augustine, paramaterial, crystalline humor, Platter, Descartes, senses, early modern, vesalius, eye, vision, history of science, history of the senses, Kepler, lens, optical anatomy

The World Turned Upside Down: Revolutions in the Microcosm and Macrocosm, and the Crystalline Humor in the Three Eyes of Early Modern Optical Anatomy. Part Two.

This entry is part [part not set] of 2 in the series The World Turned Upside Down: Revolutions in the Microcosm and Macrocosm, and the Crystalline Humor in the Three Eyes of Early Modern Optical Anatomy.

The World Turned Upside Down: Revolutions in the Microcosm and Macrocosm and the Crystalline Humor in the Three Eyes of Early Modern Optical Anatomy

Part II. The Revolution of the Eye and De-centering the Eye’s Sovereign

In the first section, I discussed Andre du Laurens’ extended metaphorical treatment of the eye’s structure. There, du Laurens represents the crystalline humor as the “sovereign” of the domain of the eye and as a Herculean figure heroically standing between the external and internal lights. Du Laurens’ metaphorical elaborations reflect and illuminate the importance with which theorists of vision and optical anatomists already attributed to the eye and its structure. The metaphors highlight the emphasis elsewhere on the organization of the eye and the early modern tendency to see correspondences and hierarchies within the structure of nature and the human body. Such popular discourses additionally shaped the understanding of the eye in elite discourses, locking the two in interpenetrating chains of influence.

In the elaborate chains of correspondences slowly eroding yet still powerfully influential in the early modern period, similarities in structure, resemblance, and appearance or in relationships or connections bespoke real rather than simply metaphorical chains of signification. In bestiaries, the appearance or form of an animal bespoke some of its hidden vertues. In herbals, a plant resembling a sexual organ could possess the real power to affect the sexual organs. In a psychophysiological model, the “black bile” of melancholy was or caused “black” thoughts and, in some, delusions of dark shapes. In anatomy, the circular and square figures found in the human form represented the most perfect shapes within the created world. In optical anatomy, the eye’s shape and structure resembled and reflected the structure and order of the cosmos.

Du Laurens sees the image of political authority in the eyes’ structure, and, in this section, I will turn to the eye’s resemblance to the cosmos. As the corporeal world and its light were proper objects in the eyes, its shape, order, and structure and its similarity to the shape, order, and structure of the world carried with it a powerful set of correspondences that shaped the sense of sense.

It is interesting that the revolutions in both theories of the microcosmic eye and theories of the macrocosm occur at roughly the same time and through the influence of Johannes Kepler. Following his contribution to the science of each, there would be revolutions in each that de-centered the central component within both systems. Kepler is probably best known for his contribution to the radical revolution in early modern science that, when elaborated and built upon, overturned the Ptolemaic conception of cosmography. Kepler challenged the Ptolemaic model and defended and elaborated upon the work of Nicholaus Copernicus of nearly a century before. The eventual adoption of the Copernican system with the earth no longer situated at the center of the cosmos de-centered the Earth and its inhabitants within the frame of the universe.

The world turned upside down: A man whose eyes have been turned inward from Bartisch.

The world turned upside down: A man whose eyes have been turned inward from Bartisch.

Less discussed, however, is the revolution Kepler accomplishes in his optical anatomy, which, I argue, remains linked to, and might prove more important than, his role in creating a revolution of the heavens. Discussed lesser still are the changes occurring from roughly 1543 to 1619 of optical anatomy itself. Kepler plays a role in revolutions in both the macrocosm and the microcosm. These dual revolutions and their relationship with the elaborate systems of correspondences in pre-scientific eras that linked microcosm to macrocosm, give me occasion to return to the structure of the Galenic eye and the mediate early modern eye.

The spherical shape of the eye and the placement or near placement of the crystalline humor in its center makes the eye a prime candidate for analogical relationships between the microcosm of the eye and the macrocosm. Such a correspondence did not escape the notice of Helkiah Crooke, who, although he challenges vision’s position as the superior sense, draws on Galen to describe the beautiful structure of the eye, explaining that the primacy of vision might depend, in part, on its shape as well as upon its being a microcosm. Crooke says,

[Galen,] being a man of great and profound knowledge, … considered that the Eye was the true Microcosme or Little world in respect of their exact roundnesse and revolutions: wherein besides the Membranes which I dare boldly call the seaven Spheres of Heaven, there be also the foure Elements found. (Crooke [652][i]).

The “exact roundnesse and revolutions” of the eyes commend them not only as reflections of the macrocosm’s perfection, but also, by virtue of that correspondence, speak to the “excellencie” and nobility of the sense of sight. Crooke notes in an earlier section devoted to the “admirable proportion of [man’s] parts” and the human body as a microcosm that

in this proportion of his parts, you shall finde both a circular figure, which is of all other the most perfect; and also the square, which in the rest of the creatures you shall not observe. (Crooke 6).

In this description of Virtuvian man, Crooke notes that the circle and sphere are “the most perfect” shapes. In many descriptions of the Galenic eye, the perfectly spherical eye and the perfectly centered and spherical crystalline humor bespeak the eye’s importance and grandeur. In emphasizing the human eye’s perfectly spherical shape, Crooke follows both the Galenic eye and the mediate early modern eye’s emphasis on the perfectly orbicular shape. Just as the heavens in a geocentric Ptolemaic system consisted in concentric perfect spheres, the structure of the eye follows that postulated heavenly structure.

In the passage quoted above, one catches another reflection of the macrocosm in the microcosm of the eye. Crooke mentions two more aspects of optical anatomy which argue that the eye is a microcosm within the body. First, he mentions that seven “Membranes” or coats resemble and reflect the “seven Spheres of Heaven,” and, second, that the eye contains “foure Elements.” In the first, the microcosm of the eye includes seven concentric spheres which resemble the Ptolemaic macrocosm. While Crooke does not go on to make such an explicit connection, taking his description one step further, places the crystalline humor in a position that corresponds to the Earth in this Ptolemaic structure of the microcosm, placed at its very center.[ii]

The crystalline humor or lens, when mapped onto this model, occupies the position of the Earth. Such an analogy reveals an interesting aspect of the eyes’ organization in Galenic, and even in the mediate, early modern eyes. The crystalline humor, thought to receive “impressions” or “actualize” the species of external objects, in effect, recreates the visual world within its substance.[iii] The eye not only stands at the center of the microcosm of the eye like the Earth, but also recreates or manufactures simulacra of the world and its objects. I will return to develop the paramaterial aspects of Crooke’s and others’ discussion of the “matter” acquired by the external senses in more detail in a later post.

Second, the microcosmic eye, according to Crooke, contains the four elements of the macrocosm. Crooke rhetorically asks after declaring that there is “Fire” in the eye, that

there is Aire who will denie which understands with what plenty of spirits they do abound? As for Water, who doth not see it in the Eye doth prove himself more blind then a beetle, all the other parts we will liken to the Earth. (Crooke [652]).

According to Crooke, the eye not only reflects the cosmos in its shape and structure, but also in its elemental constitution. Such a description further links the world of the eye to the universe as a whole, analogically confirming that both the eye and the cosmos reflect the majesty of a divine creator. As such, even though Crooke elsewhere shows evidence of post-Colombo ocular anatomy, where the crystalline humor did not occupy the exact center of the eye, and, although he declares touch rather than sight the predominant sense, Crooke still solidifies the eye’s representation as a smaller microcosm nestled within the larger microcosm of the body analogically connected to the macrocosm.

The corporeal eye, with the corporeal world, its objects, and its corporeal light as its objects, conforms to the nature and structure of that world. While I will not go into Crooke’s discussion of the visible species in this essay, I will say that his description also reflects how the eye received or “actualized” mimetic quasi-material, or, as I call them, paramaterial objects that recreated the visible world within the orb of the eye. Even if one does not accept my characterization of the visible and sensible species as paramaterial, the eye still not only reflects the nature of the visible world but also creates mimetic copies of the world upon which it looked.

Such relationships and associations extend beyond the discourses of anatomy and science. Drawing on the same analogical links, university wit Thomas Tomkis gives a similar speech to his character Visus, or vision, in Lingua or Combat of the Tongue and the Five Senses for Superiority.[iv] In Tomkis’ play from the early seventeenth century, the tongue demands to be included as an addition to the five external senses, and disrupts the traditional hierarchy of the external senses by trying to convince the ruler Common Sense that she should not only be considered as a sense but also should sit atop the hierarchy. When called before Common Sense and Phantastes to explain his superiority over the other senses, Visus includes, among other things, his stately residences and their situations in the head, saying,

Under the fore-head of mount Cephalon,
That over-peeres the coast of Microcosme,
All in the shaddowe of two pleasant groves,
Stand my two mansion houses, both as round
As the cleare heavens, both twins as like each other:
As starre to starre, which the vulger sort,
For their resplendent composition,
Are named the bright eyes of mount Cephalon:
With oure faire roomes those lodgings are contrived,
Foure goodly roomes in forme most sphericall,
Closing each other like the heavenly orbes. (Tomkis G2 verso).

In Tomkis’ nesting metaphors, the eyes become a stately “round” manor containing four “goodly roomes” whose perfect sphericality reflect the perfect spheres of the heavens. While Tomkis’ Visus mentions only four rooms rather than seven and while he frames it through the metaphor of the house, he still asserts the structural relationship and analogical links between the eyes and the heavenly spheres.

As with Crooke’s later discussion of the eye’s structure, Tomkis’ Visus offers the eyes’ shape and structural resemblance to the macrocosm as testimony for his supremacy within a hierarchy of the senses. Again, like Crooke, Tomkis might be challenging the conventional understanding of the superiority of sight, but both still continue to underscore how important seeing the eye as a microcosm was during the period.

Again, we find the crystalline humor occupying the central position and represented as the seat of visual power. While Tomkis’ play situates the visual power in subjection to the powers of the internal senses, he also represents the crystalline humor as Visus’ seat, saying that the fourth and most central room is

… smallest, but passeth all the former,
In worth of matter built most sumptuously:
With walls transparent of pure Christaline.
This the soules mirrour and the bodies guide,
Loves Cabinet[,] bright beacons of the Realme,
Casements of light quiver of Cupids shafts:
Wherein I sit and immediatly receive,
The species of things corporeall,
Keeping continuall watch and centinell. (Tomkis G2 verso).

Central to the manor of the eye is the room of “pure Christaline” where Visus “sit[s] and immediatly receive[s]/ The species of things corporeall,” and here we possibly see again, as late as 1607, the model of the Galenic eye. While Tomkis might have been aware of Colombo’s corrections to this arrangement, he does not say so here. As I discussed in part one of this essay, even in texts that represent the mediate early modern eye, including Crooke’s own later Microcosmographia, the verbal descriptions of the mediate early modern eye and the Galenic eye were often spoken of in similar terms. This shows, I think, the power of the analogical relationships and significance of the systems of correspondences that deployed the concept of the microcosm to the figure of the eye, especially when it comes to popular culture even if Tomkis understands the eye as structured like the mediate early modern eye.

Tomkis’ play also dramatizes the connection to the internal senses and its reception of the species in what I am calling the paramaterial mind. While I can provide only a brief sketch here, I will be exploring the paramaterial sensory system more in future posts and provide lengthier sketches in my previous posts. Tomkis represents Visus as subservient to Common Sense, the ultimate seat of judging immediate perception and assembling the discrete species received by the external senses. It was also this system of the paramaterial that the retinal image would help eventually dismantle.

The optical revolution of Felix Platter and Johannes Kepler had already started by the time Thomas Tomkis wrote his play in 1607 and Helkiah Crooke first published his Microcosmographia in 1615. In 1583, Platter argued that the optic nerve was the seat of vision, and, in 1604, Kepler further developed some of Platter’s, achieving a broader acceptance of the retina and the retinal image as the most significant part of the eye. More work needs to be done to map out the lines of transmission of Kepler’s work on optics as it spread and affected optical anatomy, but what is certain is that Kepler’s theory ultimately contributed to a type of conceptual regicide of what André du Laurens previously declared the eye’s “sovereign,” the crystalline humor, and may have had consequences for the system of correspondences that seemed to require the microcosm of the eye’s conformity with and relationship to the macrocosm.

Platter likened the crystalline humor to a looking-glass that projected light upon the retinal screen, describing,

Primario, crystallinus humor, perspicillum est nervi visorii: at qante ipsum & pupilae formen collactus, species oculo illabentes veluti radios colligit, & in ambitum totius retiformis nervi diffundens, res majores ille, ut commodius eas perciperet, perspicilli penit nodo, representat. (Platter 187).

[Primarily the crystalline humor is the perspicillum (*looking glass) for the optic nerve, but as to the crystalline humor and the pupil, the visible species enters as a collection of rays, and diffuses itself on the whole of the retinal nerve, representing bigger things than the small glass represents.]

But Platter never elaborated upon or demonstrated the concept convincingly, and did not, publically and in print anyways, acknowledge that the retinal image would be inverted with respect to horizontal orientation and flipped with respect to the vertical.

This later development and acknowledgement would come with Kepler, who declares:

Visio igitur fit per picturam rei visibilis ad albam retinae & cauum parietem; & quae foris dextra sunt, ad sinistrum parietis larus, sinistra ad dextrum, supera ad inferum, infera ad superum depinguntur: viridia etiam colore viridi, & in universum res quaecunque suo colore intra pingitur; adeo ut, si possibile esset picturam illam in retina foras in lucem protracta permanere, remotis anterioribus, que illam efforma bant, hominiq; alicui sufficiens esset visus acies, is agniturus esset ipsissiman hemisphaerii figuram in tam angusto retine complexu. (Kepler 170).

[The vision then becomes a visible pictura on the white and curved retinal wall, and things which are outside on the right, are depicted on the left wall; left to right, upper to lower, lower to upper. Green colors appear green, and the whole thing, whatsoever its color, is depicted upon the retina, so that, if it were possible for a man to maintain the system’s light on the retina when removing the back of the eye, he would see a figure of the whole hemisphere remains in that small space of the retina.]

Unlike Platter, who described the crystalline humor as the “looking-glass” for the retina and placed the seat of judgment in the optic nerve but did not mention the retinal inversion, Kepler confronts this theory directly and publically in print after developing the theory of the retinal image more extensively than his predecessor. Displacing the crystalline humor itself was an intellectual insurrection, as was the previous trend in early modern optical anatomy that de-centered it within the eye, but acknowledging the retinal inversion began the revolution within the eye in earnest. Both moves, however, challenged not only prior medical authorities that considered the crystalline humor the eye’s sovereign, but also the cultural beliefs surrounding and shaping the sense of the eye and its structure.

Acknowledging that the eye did not see in the same way that either the visual plane laid out before the eye or as it was perceived in the mind that Kepler’s theory is profoundly revolutionary. Not only did such theories allow the retinal screen to usurp the position of primacy previously held by the crystalline humor, but they also turned the eye’s image upside down within the eye itself. The image within the eye, for the first time in recorded human history, was recognized as upside down. From the perspective of an early modern, the world (at least within the eye) no longer looked as it appeared. Revolutionary in both senses, Kepler challenged a fundamental way in which observers perceived and engaged with the world as a whole. I do not mean to suggest that Kepler’s singular genius emerged out of a historical vacuum, but I do want to suggest that the development of the very ability to recognize the inverted retinal image itself and its subsequent effects constituted a real radical shift and break with traditions of the past towards something new and modern even if it took some time for culture to recognize and realize those revolutionary consequences.

The retinal image, itself revolutionary in its movement towards a modern understanding of vision, also had other revolutionary consequences that would only reveal their full effects once the quasi-Aristotelian system of the paramaterial sensory system and mind were altered and abandoned. Whereas previously the crystalline humor received the visible species of corporeal things, transmitting them through the “spirits” to the inner senses and the brain, the retinal wall would eventually become an opaque wall that blocked the paramaterial transmission of these species. The species survived the retinal image and inversion, but, I argue, also challenged some of the conventional popular associations and its traditional theorization. The sensible species and especially the intellectual species persisted in some form until they disappeared into something like the Lockean Idea.

Kepler himself famously chose not to follow the visual image, species, or, as he calls it, pictura as it entered the human brain and mind, saying,

Visionem fieri dico, cum totius hemisphaerii mundani, quod est ante oculum, & amplius paulo, idolum statuitur ad album subrufum retinae cauae superficiei parietam. Quomodo idolum seu pictura haec spiritibus visoriis, qui resident in retina & in neruo, conjungatur, & utrum per spiritus intro in cerebri cauernas, ad animae seu facultatis visoriae tribunal sistatur,an facultas visoria, ceu quaestor ab Anima datus, e cerebri praetorio foras in ipsum neruum visorium & retinam, ceu as inferiora subsellia descendens, idolo huic procededat obuiam, hoc inquam Physicis relinquo disputandum. Nam Opticorum armatura non procedit longius, quam ad hunc usq; opacum parientem, qui primus quidem in oculo occurrit. (Kepler 168).

[I say vision is accomplished, when the whole hemisphere of the world which is before the eye, and bit more, an idolum stands on the curved, reddish-white retinal wall. How the idolum or pictura joins the visual spirits, which reside in the retina and the optic nerve, and whether it is made to appear before the soul and the tribunal of the visual faculty by the spirits in the brain’s caverns, or whether the visual faculty, like a magistrate sent by the soul, descends to the lower court to meet the idolum, I leave to the dispute of physicists. For the opticians’ troops do not advance beyond this first opaque wall met with in the eye.]

Kepler refuses to proceed past the retinal screen, halting his inquiry once he follows the path of light through the lens and onto the rear surface of the eye. Not only does Kepler offer the first explication of the real image formed on the retinal screen, but he also interposes an “opaque wall” between the eye and a perceiver in a way not previously in place in earlier theories of the crystalline humor. Whereas before the images received or formed by the crystalline humor found their way into the inner senses through mediating spirits through to the gatekeeper of the sensus communis, the pictura here seems stuck on the rear wall of the eye.

This additional barrier that strengthens the boundary between the eye and the mind started with Vesalius’ observation that the optic nerve was not hollow. While Kepler gives a nod to the quasi-Aristotelian model of perception in the second half of this passage, it is my contention that the interposed retinal wall further fractured earlier popular theories of sensation and perception. Additionally, I think this wall between the eye and the mind takes part in a general and much broader transition from a paramaterial mind and “selfe” to more of a perimaterial sense of the modern self. In brief, I mean the transition from a less bounded and insular “selfe” towards a less permeable and porous modern self.

As I discussed earlier in my sections on Crooke and Tomkis, even with the revolutionary potential of Kepler’s retinal inversion, the change to popular understandings of vision emerged very slowly, and it was not until Scheiner in 1619 that a representation of the modern eye appeared in print. Just as the Galenic eye might have popularly survived Colombo’s corrective to Vesalius’ optical anatomy, the belief in the centrality of the crystalline humor survived, at least for some time, beyond Kepler. While creating more public controversy, the transition from a Ptolemaic universe to a Copernican one also took some time. While the revolutions in the microcosm and the macrocosm had begun by the first quarter of the sixteenth century, they were far from accomplished or won.

I will now return to several more examples which conjoin the microcosmic eye to the macrocosm in the late sixteenth century and early seventeenth. By viewing their symbolic and, perhaps, real connections, we may begin to understand how their fates were aligned in the dual revolutions that overturned previous explanatory models of each, and might partially help explain why both revolutions were roughly historically congruent.

The microcosmic eye like the one found in Tomkis and Crooke uncomplicatedly reflected the majesty and order found in the macrocosm. Pierre La Primaudaye’s The French Academie contains yet another comparison of the microcosm to the macrocosm and the eye’s position within that order. La Primaudaye says,

We have yet another point to bee noted touching their situation, which causeth a certaine proportion and agreement to bee betweene the heavens and the head, and between the eyes of the great and little world, and those of the body and soule. … For this cause, as God hath placed the sunne, moone, and all the rest of the lights above named, and the eyes that are created to receive light from them, and to be that in man who is the little world, which the sunne, moone, and other lights of heaven are in this great universal world. Therefore as much as the eyes are as it were the images of these goodly bodies and celestiall glasses, they occupie the highest place in this body of the world, whereof they are as it were the eyes, to give it light on every side. For this cause also the eyes are more fierie, and have more agreement with the nature of fire, then any other member that belongeth to the corporall senses. … In all these things we see a goodly harmony and agreement betweene the great and the little world, the like whereof wee shall also finde betweene the worlde and the spirituall heaven, whose sunne and light is God, and betweene the eyes of the soule and of the minde. (La Primaudaye 77-78).

In La Primaudaye’s analogy, the eyes represent not the earth but the celestial sphere of the heavens within the microcosm of the body. The eyes receive the light of the world, but also serve as the light of the body. He goes on to suggest that the eyes’ close proximity to the inner senses and especially to reason also confirms their connection to both spiritual as well as bodily light. At the same time, he also notes a distinction between the fleshly or bodily eye and the eyes of the mind and soul by comparing the bodily eye and its received light to the corporeal world and the physical sun to the spiritual heaven whose sun and light is God. La Primaudaye links the corporeal eye to the spiritual or intellectual eye and the corporeal world and light to the divine world and light through a chain of signification and correspondence.

The anagogical significance shines through earlier in La Primaudaye’s discussion of vision when he talks about the special role the bodily, fleshly, or corporeal eye plays in acquiring knowledge and in understanding the divine. He says that the eyes’ “nature approacheth nearer to the nature of the soule and spirit, then any other, by reason of the similitude and agreement that is betweene them,” and proceeds to detail their function in natural and spiritual knowledge and understanding, saying,

…They are given to man chiefly to guide and leade him to the knowledge of God, by the contemplation of his goodly works, which appeare principally in the heavens and in al the order thereof, and whereof we can have no true knowledge & instruction be any other sence but by the eies. For without them who could have noted the divers course and motions of the celestiall bodies? … It is the first Mistresse that provoked men forward to the studie and searching out of science and wisedome. For the sight is ingendered admiration and wondering at things that are seene: and this admiration causeth men afterward to consider more seriously of things … In the end they come to the studie of science and wisedome, which is the knowledge of supernaturall light, namely of the light of the minde, unto which, science and doctrine is as light to the eye, so that it contemplateth and useth by that, as the eye seeth by light. (La Primaudaye 68-69).

The associations and interrelations of the bodily eye and the intellectual eye, and the corporeal light and the light of God were fairly conventional at least since Augustine, and their deployment in both analogical and anagogical systems underscores the conventional parallels and relationships established between them. While distinguished from one another, conventional theories connected the two and helped theorists explain the frisson and connection between the corporeal and spiritual worlds.

Many popular discussions of the superiority of the eye also proclaim that its primary Godly purpose was to acquire knowledge of the world. In this, many stressed the heavens as the best object one’s eyes could focus on to inspire heavenly thoughts and greater contemplations. In his Nosce Teipsum, John Davies, for example, plays with the conventional association with looking to the heavens as leading to knowledge when he describes that

These Mirrors take into their litle space
The formes of Moone and Sunne, and every Starre,
Of every Body, and of every place,
Which with the worlds wide Armes embraced are.
Yet their best object, and their noblest use,
Hereafter in another world will bee,
When God in them shall heavenly light infuse,
That face to face they may their Maker see.
Here are they guides, which do the Body leade;
Which else would stumble in eternall night;
Here in this world they do much knowledge reade,
And are the Casements which admit most light. (Davies 42).

Davies suggests that true knowledge and a true light will not come to the eyes until after death, but he also associates the corporeal light of the world with knowledge suggesting that that corporeal light, as in La Primaudaye, can lead to contemplation of higher things.

Science, including astronomy and anatomy, derives from the wonder generated by the corporeal eye, leading a perceiver from the physical sensation, to contemplation of the natural world, to a contemplation of God’s magnificence. It was the searching eyes of astronomers and anatomists that would soon challenge the conceptions of both the microcosmic eye and the macrocosm.

This returns me to the Augustine notion of three eyes with which I opened this post. While Augustine established three types of eye (the bodily eye, the spiritual eye, and the intellectual eye), all three converge and are mediated by what I call the paramaterial Phantasy in many sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century theories of sensation, perception, and cognition. While La Primaudaye too distinguishes the bodily eye and corporeal light from the spiritual eye and heavenly light, both reflect and resemble one another, interlocking them in a theoretical system and conceptual order that represented them as interrelated and mutually informing. It was the second eye, which, according to Augustine, was the eye of the spirit, but which according to many early modern variations was the eye of the mind, the Phantasy which was often thought to mediate the relationship between the external senses and the intellect and soul.

Not everyone had faith in the powers of the bodily eye and its corporeal light, however. In some theological accounts, the bodily or fleshly eye can lead one into spiritual blindness. The implication lies behind the passage from the La Primaudaye quotation above but the relationship remains one widely repeated in the early modern period. George Hakewill, English Calvinist theologian, argues that the bodily eye can lead to spiritual blindness and sin. Hakewill’s Vanitie of the Eye details many spiritual diseases resulting from the bodily eye, criticizing those who overly commend it, saying,

Though manie and singular bee the commendations of the nature and frame of the eie, & the use of it in the ordinary course of life bee no lesse diverse then excellent as wel for profit as delight, yet the dangerous abuses which arise from it not rightly guided, are so generall, and almost inseparable, that it may justly grow to a disputable question whither wee should more regard the benefit of nature in the one, or the hazard of grace and vertue in the other. (Hakewill 1).

For someone like Hakewill, the bodily eye leads to spiritual corruption in the form of lust, greed, envy, and other sins dependent upon or having their origin in vision. Later, when listing the diseases incident to the eye, he includes, “those which are many times imparted from the distemper of the braine (with which the eie holdes a marvelous correspondence)” (Hakewill 93). Because of the psychophysiological model of the embodied mind, the distempered brain can affect the eye, and the unruly eye can distemper the brain, and both, to some extent, can undermine the soul. It is this conjunction that I attempt to explore in my work on the paramaterial Phantasy.

Even La Primaudaye, who valorizes sight and champions its role in the production of knowledge of the world and of God elsewhere in the same book, cautions against the power of the corporeal eye. While I will expand upon this idea in later posts, the bodily, mental, and spiritual eyes converge in a much more ominous way in a later passage from The French Academie. La Primaudaye cautions people about the types of objects and images their bodily eyes receive. Like Hakewill later, La Primaudaye warns,

let us beware that we feede them not with the sight profane and dishonest things, least they serve to poyson the minde and soule, whereas they ought to become messengers, to declare unto it honest & healthful things. For he that doth otherwise is worthy to have, not onely his bodily eyes put out, & pluckt out of his head but also the eyes of his minde, that so he be may blinde both in body & soule, as it commonly falleth out to many. (La Primaudaye 79).

The three eyes are related through the reference to “poyson,” as the bodily sights are said to “poyson the minde and soule.” While metaphorical, the interrelation of the bodily, mental, and spiritual eyes exceeds metaphor in the way in which many of the references to them explain sensation, perception, and cognition. Just as the corporeal eye could lead to divine contemplation and the illumination of divine light as we saw in my previous example from La Primaudaye, he additionally argues that the bodily eye could also lead to bodily and spiritual corruption.

In addition to the mental and spiritual consequences resulting from a corrupt bodily eye as we have seen in La Primaudaye and Hakewill, still others challenged the type of knowledge the corporeal eye could acquire. The philosophical skeptics, even before Descartes, questioned the knowledge humans could gain through the bodily senses. For them, the eye along with the other bodily senses could not provide certitude or verify judgment. It is my contention that while sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century philosophical skepticism resembles the later seventeenth century developments as one sees with Descartes, those earlier skeptical movements and arguments were expressed through a quasi-Aristotelian and Galenic understanding of the sensitive soul. The developments in optical anatomy might have shifted the epistemological horizons even as they deployed tropes available at least since the time of Sextus Empiricus. Skeptics often challenged the paramaterial nature of the mind and its objects, emphasizing enclosure and the individual in what I call a perimaterial system. (See my previous post on philosophical skepticism here, and my sketch of the paramaterial and perimaterial here).

The eye as microcosm survived the challenge Colombo offered when correcting the situation of the crystalline humor within the eye. This process of de-centering the eye’s long-standing sovereign and seat of the visual power happened over the course of the time period from roughly 1543 to 1619, and although it would take much longer before its full effects were felt, the revolutionary potential of such a change in optical anatomy should be recognized. Later philosophers like René Descartes, Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, and George Berkley were still grappling with some of the ramifications of the real image within the eye well into the eighteenth century.

Part of this new approach to physiology was to split the function of the eye from the broader understanding of “vision,” and refusing to speculate beyond the mechanical processes that occurred within the eye. Kepler declared that the mental processing of sensory data was beyond the scope of his argument, and as David C. Lindberg puts it “optics, [Kepler] argues, ceases with the formation of the picture on the retina, and what happens after that is somebody else’s business.” Lindberg suggestively notes,

It is perhaps significant that Kepler employed the term pictura in discussing the inverted retinal image, for this is the first genuine instance in the history of a real optical image within the eye—a picture, having an existence independent of the observer, formed by the focusing of all available rays on the surface. (Lindberg 202).

What Lindberg lauds as the first “real optical image within the eye” also points towards the extinction of another form of “image” within the eye that “had an existence” that was not “independent of the observer,” and, as I will argue, the extinction of images within the mind of that observer that resembled the world it represented. While not, according to Lindberg, a “real optical image within the eye” the previous image within the eye was something more, a product of an eye that depended upon the living eye of an observer that was thought to have more contact with the external world, and, even more importantly, perceived that world with the same orientation as perceived by the mind through images that resembled their objects.

Altering that previous arrangement, not only in the process of de-centering the crystalline humor but also in the Keplerian revolution that made the lens subservient to the retina and its retinal image, might challenge the important system of correspondences established between the eye and the macrocosm. This might partially help explain Vesalius’ misrepresentation of the crystalline humor as well as the continued reiterations of the mediate early modern eye in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. While we have no reason to doubt Colombo’s criticism of Vesalius’ dependence upon the animal eyes for his optical anatomy, and while incredibly speculative on my part, it is possible that the importance assigned to the central placement of the crystalline humor colored Vesalius’ perception of his optical anatomy. The anatomist, coming to the eye with cultural constructions and an a priori understanding of the eye’s function, found his perception of the eye shaped such constructions, not allowing him to see what was before his own eyes.

What is less speculative is that variations of the Galenic eye persisted to a degree well after Vesalius’ mistake was registered and noted and that those depicting the mediate early modern eye often did so through descriptions developed out of the earlier model. One wonders why early modern optical anatomists did not develop a modern representation of the eye until 1619 with the lens positioned just behind the pupil and towards the very front of the eye and without representing the whole of the eye as a perfect sphere. In this, I am more convinced that the a priori system of correspondences which structured the perception of the eye distorted its position because of the stress on the microcosmic structure of the eye as well as upon the centrality of the crystalline humor in the process of vision.

As I discussed in the conclusion of part one of this essay, I believe these popular beliefs and cultural constructions shaped discourses on ocular anatomy, which were, in turn, shaped by them. The system of correspondences and the emphasis on the eye as a microcosm reflected the shape, order, and majesty of the macrocosm. Historically congruous, the de-centering of the microcosmic eye and the de-centering of the Earth within the macrocosm historically emerge together to challenge long-standing authorities and chains of significance. The changes to optical anatomy might not have faced the same type of outrage as the reorganization of the cosmos, but it would profoundly shape and influence subsequent thinkers and their theories of sensation, perception, and cognition.

The system of correspondences, an a priori system of interconnections between world and cosmos, part and whole, slowly decayed under the developing power of a posteriori experimental science. At the same time, those systems of correspondences did not quickly or easily relinquish their hold on the understanding of the world and of the human body even as the new scientific gaze loosened their grip. It was precisely this power of mental Idols which Francis Bacon hoped to eradicate from his New Science because their influence could shape and distort an understanding of the world (see my previous post on Bacon’s Idols here). Even before Bacon, Vesalius attempted to correct the undue influence of classical thought on an understanding of the body, but, for whatever reason, his own work fails in the case of his representation of the eye. Those cultural constructions shaped and informed the development of the New Science even as that New Science attempted to strip knowledge of those very classical and cultural accretions from their perception of reality.

Just as the Copernican revolution would metaphorically turn the world upside down, the Keplerian discovery of the retinal image literally turned the world upside down with respect to the eye. Somewhat displaced from the center of the eye’s orb, the lens, in Kepler’s formulation, played a subservient role to the retinal screen, upon which visible reality was projected. The images within the eye no longer “impressed” themselves on the crystalline humor or bore the same orientation as objects in the external world or as they appeared in the mind of a perceiver, and were, instead, projected upon a curved surface and flipped with respect to vertical and horizontal orientations. Once this explanation eventually replaced the theories which declared the crystalline humor the seat of vision, the image within the eye no longer matched the visual field or the way in which the visual field appeared within the mind. I will return to these ideas more extensively in later posts, but want to say now that this new understanding radically split sensation from perception and, arguably, had ramifications for both the development of mind-body dualism, philosophical skepticism, and formation of the modern self.

While I agree to some extent with David C. Lindberg that Kepler’s theory “at bottom … remained solidly upon a medieval foundation,” I do believe that the retinal image offered a revolutionary change with respect to a person’s theorized orientation with the world despite this medieval foundation. While the full extent of the revolutionary implications would take some time to affect broader cultural shifts, the very fact that Kepler recognized and proposed an image within the eye neither conforms directly to the visual field before it nor to perception as experienced in the mind already took a revolution to see the retinal image as even a possibility. Kepler’s retinal image, of course, finally dethroned the crystalline humor as the seat of vision, but, even before this, anatomists challenged the notion that the crystalline humor occupied the physical center of the eye.[v] In this development, anatomies of the eye moved the crystalline humor from its place of prominence at the center of vision to a de-centered place.

The revolution of the eye involved in unseating the crystalline humor as the centralized power of the human eye, but it also literally de-centered the seat altogether. I cannot help but think this moment of de-centering within the microcosm of the eye itself prefigured and paved the way for radical re-envisioning and restructuring the macrocosm. I also cannot help but think that Kepler’s discovery of the retinal image and the consequent displacing of the crystalline humor combined with the Copernican revolution also helped dismantle the importance of the a priori system of correspondences between microcosm and macrocosm altogether. While I will return in a later post to discuss the emergent tensions between the paramaterial and the perimaterial and the type of philosophical skepticism that was available in the period preceding the real image’s influence upon the sensory system, systems of cognition, and the sense of “selfe,” I must for now, like Kepler, stop at the “opaque wall” of the retinal screen.

Works Cited

Banister, John. The Historie of Man. London 1578. (The English Experience 122). Amsterdam: Da Capo Press, 1969.

Bartisch, George. [Opthalmodouleia] Das ist Augendienst. Dresden: durch Matthes Stockel, 1583.

Clark, Stuart. Vanities of the Eye. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009.

Colombo, Realdus. De re Anatomica libri XV. Paris: Apud Andream Wechelum, sub Pegaso, in vico Bellouaco, 1562.

Crombie, A.C. “The Mechanistic Hypothesis and the Scientific Study of Vision.” Science, Optics, and Music in Medieval and Early Modern Thought. London: The Hambledon Press, 1990. 175-254?

Crooke, Helkiah. Mikrokosmographia. A Description of the Body of Man. [London]: William Iaggard, 1615.

Davies, John. Nosce Teipsum. London: Richard Field for John Standish, 1599.

Descartes, Rene. Selected Philosophical Writings. New York: Cambridge UP, 1988.

Du Laurens, Andreas Richard Surphlet translation. A Discourse of the Preservation of the Sight: Of Melancholike Diseases; of Rheums, and of Old age. London: Felix Kingston for Ralph Jacson, 1599.

Guillemeau, Jacques. A Worthy Treatise of the Eyes contayning the knowlege and cure of one hundred and thirteen dieseases, incident unto them. London, 1587.

Hakewill, George. The Vanitie of the Eie. Oxford: Joseph Barnes, 1608.

Kepler, Johannes. Ad Vitellionem Paralipomena, Quibus Astronomiae Pars Optica Traditur. Francofvrti: Apud Claudium Marnium & Haeredes Ioannis Aubrli, 1604.

Lindberg, David C. Theories of Vision from Al-Kindi to Kepler. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981.

Paré, Ambroise. The workes of that famous chirurgion Ambrose Parey translated out of Latine and compared with. London: Th[omas] Cotes and R[obert] Young, 1634.

Park, David. The Fire Within the Eye. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton UP, 1997.

Platter, Felix. De Corporis Humani Structura et Usu. Libri III. Basil: Per Ambrosium Frob., 1583.

Scheiner, Christopher. Oculus Hoc Est: Fundamentum Opticum. Apud Danielem Agricolam, 1619.

Spruit, Leen. Species Intelligibilis: From Perception to Knowledge. Volume Two: Renaissance Controversies, Later Scholasticism, and the Elimination of the Intelligible Species in Modern Philosophy. New York: Brill, 1995.

Summers, David. Vision, Reflection, & Desire in Western Painting. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: The University of North Carolina Press, 2007.

Tachau, Katherine H. Vision and Certitude in the Age of Ockham. Optics, Epistemology, and the Foundation of Semantics. Amsterdam: Brill, 1988.

Tomkis, Thomas. Lingua, or the Combat of the Tongue and the Five Senses for Superiority. London: G. Eld for Simon Waterson, 1607.

Vesalius, Andreas. De Humani Corporis Fabrica. Venice: Apud Franciscum Franciscium & Joannem Criegher, 1568.


[i] Misnumbered as page 646 in the 1615 edition.

[ii]It should be noted that there was some controversy regarding the number of membranes of the eye. While Galen, Vesalius, Crooke and others affirm there were seven membranes, others, like Realdus Colombo, John Banister following him, and others affirmed there were only six.

[iii] I argue that in the pre-Keplerian system of vision that I call paramaterial, these species, including the species acquired by the other senses and re-conjoined by the common sense, retain some theoretical connection between them and their external object originals in many popular discussions, but, even aside from my arguments about the paramaterial, the crystalline humor receives or creates simulacra of external objects.

[iv] While this play has received critical attention spearheaded by the ever insightful Patricia Parker and Carla Mazzio, no one, to my knowledge, has yet discussed the importance of Tomkis’ Visus, Common Sense, and Phantastes. I will discuss Tomkis’ representation of Common Sense and Phantastes in a separate post as they pertain to the paramaterial Phantasy.

[v] I should note that I also think the development of linear perspective in the visual arts probably contributed to the discovery of the retinal image. I would like to talk more about this as an influence on its development but have not yet done the reading necessary to make such a claim at this time. Additionally, the ultimate assertion by Descartes and others that the eye works like a camera obscura reveals that it too made an important contribution to the recognition of the retinal image.

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Posted in Scholarship, Early Modern Senses, Philosophical Skepticism, Shaping Sense Tagged science, anatomy, senses, Augustine, sight, Descartes, skepticism, early modern, vision, Helkiah Crooke, History of medicine, history of science, Kepler, optics, paramaterial, Ambroise Paré

“Drops tears as fast as the Arabian trees”: Othello’s Tears and the Weeping Trees of Acacia and Myrrh. A Corrective Gloss to Most Modern Editions of Shakespeare.

I. “The Arbaian trees their medicinable gum”: Othello’s Weeping Trees

During Othello’s suicide speech, he makes several references that have attracted the attention of modern editors and scholars. The most famous concerns the textual variations between the Quarto and Folio versions of the line “Like a base Indian, threw a pearl away.” Whereas the Quarto reads “Indian,” the Folio reads “Judean.” While modern editors typically choose one or the other, they characteristically explain these variations in the footnotes. Both variations bear with them interesting interpretive frameworks and lenses, and, yet, both add to what some critics have noted as the tendency towards the “exotic” in Othello’s speech. In this post, however, I would like to address a footnote in nearly all modern editions that has attracted little critical attention. While not a textual variation, the consistent gloss on Othello’s “Arabian trees” which drop their “medicinable gum” as myrrh might be somewhat misleading.

Just after referring to either “the base Indian” or “the base Judean,” Othello directs his auditors’ attention towards his eyes, asking the assembled company to speak of him as he is and

…of one whose subdued eyes,
Albeit unused to the melting mood,
Drops tears as fast as the Arabian trees
Their medicinable gum. (V.ii. 357-360).

Having just murdered Desdemona, the militaristic Othello, who has “done the state some service” (V.ii. 348), points to his predilection against weeping to prove the truth of the passion behind his current tears. His posturing before the gaze of the witnesses to his cruel actions attempts to shape the interpretive framework through which they see and remember him and his life. The unusual simile Othello adopts in this passage should give us pause and should, I would think, peak out interest to which “Arabian trees” Othello refers. Modern scholarly editions almost invariably gloss the reference as “myrrh.” I would like to propose an alternate possibility—that the reference can also be glossed as acacia, valued for its production of the Gum Arabic or gummi arabicum.

Mana from the Hortus Sanitatis. Yet another weeping tree.

Mana from the Hortus Sanitatis. Yet another weeping tree.

Both weeping trees, acacia and myrrh, align themselves with the play’s motif of vision and visuality. This focus on the visual has been the subject of much scholarly debate and criticism, but few, to my knowledge, addresses the subtle way in which Othello’s reference to those weeping trees plays into that motif. While early modern herbals and treatises on the eye note both myrrh and acacia’s value in medicines for the eyes, the gummi arabicum is much more readily found in pre- and early modern regimens for diseases and pains of the eye. This fact, of course, does not prove that Shakespeare intended the references to be taken as acacia and its Gum Arabic rather than to myrrh, but I do think that the critical predisposition to gloss the “Arabian trees” and its “medicinable gum” as myrrh obscures the way in which Othello’s simile reveals an important aspect of the way the visual plays an important role in the concluding scene of Shakespeare’s Othello. The “Arabian trees” and their “medicinable gum” Othello mentions in act five, scene two can be glossed as either myrrh or acacia, but, in their cultural associations with eye medicines, the simile becomes a metaphor for how Othello’s eyes and Phantasy, poisoned by Iago during the course of the play, become purified and cured, purging him of the private fantasies and phantasms that Iago shaped through the oral and the aural.

Before I turn to the “Arabian trees” directly, I first want to locate the reference within the immediate context of Othello’s suicide speech. Othello ends his life defending and trying to control the image of himself or, if you will, his species or phantasm in others’ Phantasies, by shaping how they will report his behavior and witnessed events.[i] He begins:

Soft you, a word or two before you go.
I have done the state some service, and they know’t.
No more of that. I pray you, in your letter,
When you shall these unlucky deeds relate,
Speak of me as I am. Nothing extenuate,
Nor set down aught in malice. (V.ii. 347-352).

Just as Iago uses narrative to shape and manipulate Othello’s perception of Desdemona and of objects related to her like the handkerchief, Othello attempts to shape perception through narrative. He begins by conjuring Venice’s previous image of him within their Phantasies, making present for them his prior service to the state and the “parts,” “title,” and “perfect soul” that, he claimed, had “manifest[ed him] rightly” (I.ii. 31-32) during the inquest about his marriage. Othello stirs such images up in the witnesses’ minds only to dismiss them as no longer reflecting his social person and public image.

It is at this point that Othello makes the two references with which I opened this post. Even if Othello strives to control the codified narrative, he moves from desiring something that he hopes accurately depicts the events and circumstances to a slippery series of fictions and metaphors. He claims that, if the witnesses present things as they are,

Then must [they] speak
Of one that loved not wisely but too well,
Of one not easily jealous but, being wrought,
Perplexed in the extreme; of one whose hand,
Like the base Indian, threw a pearl away
Richer than all his tribe; of one whose subdued eyes,
Albeit unused to the melting mood,
Drops tears as fast as the Arabian trees
Their medicinable gum. Set you down this… (V.ii. 347-360).

That Othello wants this narrative to be “set down” makes sense considering the ways oral narratives morph, combine and re-combine in the private Phantasy to shape the perceptions of people and objects. Explicitly calling attention to his current appearance at the point of weeping, Othello also explains his actions as jealousy to externalize his potential inward hiddenness.

Having lost the “reputation” and social standing he previously so rigorously defended and guarded, it can no longer overpower the shaping of his image resulting from his murderous actions. Since his prior standing no longer commands the narrative of his current state, Othello shifts towards narrative shaping of others’ perceptions. Having been schooled by Iago in the ways orality shapes the perception of people and objects, Othello uses the shifting ground of spoken language to shape the eventual codified narrative of his person and actions. As we have already seen by this point, perception never innocently represents reality and the witnesses’ “malice” might encourage fault-magnifying phantasies. Preferring the seeming purity and stability of written language, Othello hopes to use ephemeral orality to shape the codified account.[ii] Wanting them to report the “truth” of his situation and character, he hopes to avoid additions or extenuated perceptions, but he also imagines that his current words and actions will become codified in a “letter.” This “letter,” he hopes, will not be tainted by the phantasies of his auditors which might taint the relation with malice, allowing others to see him as he supposedly is.

While stressing the importance of an uncorrupted narrative, Othello moves towards metaphor and fiction-making to shape other’s perceptions of his character and actions. In one simile he deploys, Othello cryptically describes his weeping eye peculiarly and pointedly as “Arabian trees” that drop “medicinable gum.” The Norton Shakespeare, following nearly all of the modern editions I know of, glosses this as a reference to myrrh, and no other editions, to my knowledge, seriously consider a second possibility. While the “Arabian trees” which drop “medicinable gum” might be myrrh, there is evidence that Othello refers, not to myrrh, but to what early modern herbals call the acacia or Aegyptian Thorne.

In an early gloss of Othello’s line that mentions Gum Arabic, Sir John Charles Bucknill’s 1860 The Medical Knowledge of Shakespeare, dismisses the possibility, saying, “Othello compares the tears, which flow in his dread remorse, to the gum of Arabia ; probably not gum Arabic, but myrrh is meant” (Bucknill 274). Bucknill does not explain why he discounts the possibility that “medicinable gum” might refer to acacia and its gummi arabicum, but late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century editions of Shakespeare often cite him as an authority and leave it at that.[iii] Most twentieth-century editions that I know of do not even propose that one read “Arabian trees” and their “medicinable gum” as acacia and its gummi arabicum.

In my recent research while revising this post, I did discover one Shakespearean scholar who does take them as references to acacia and Gum Arabic. Geraldo De Sousa’s At Home in Shakespeare’s Tragedies, makes mention of the Gum Arabic, and offers that Othello’s reference relates to English commerce and trade with Africa and the Middle-East as well as to how late sixteenth to early seventeenth-century English representations of Africa and the Middle-East often collapsed their separation and obscured the boundary between them. De Sousa raises several interesting interpretive possibilities as they pertain to Othello’s possible reference to the Arabic Gum.[iv] As its trade relates to international trade and to England’s relationship with Africa and the Middle-East, his discussion of gummi arabcum does seem to take the possibility that Othello refers to acacia and its gum seriously and without question. To my knowledge, De Sousa is unique in his critical approach to the references, standing alone in his assurance that Shakespeare refers to the Arabic Gum, but he does not develop how taking Othello’s “Arabian trees” as acacia plays into the motifs of vision and visuality.

Both myrrh and acacia serve as exotic references of the order that typically populate Othello’s speeches, but they are additionally significant in that each tree produced products used in eye medicines. While both are associated with eye-medicines, the gummi arabicum has stronger associations with the eyes in sixteenth-century herbals and optical treatises. First, I want to look at several early modern herbals’ descriptions of acacia before I set those against descriptions of myrrh. The main value of the acacia or “Aegyptian Thorne” was a product harvested from it called Arabic Gum or Gummi Arabicum. Thomas Halle, in an appended “Table” that is mostly a translation of the work of thirteenth-century surgeon, Lafranco of Milan, describes the gum collected from the Aegyptian Thorne as “Gummi Arabicum founde (and also so called) of the Arabians, because it is there moste plentifull, and also Bibilonicum & Sarasenicum, vpon lyke reason, is ye teares of the thorny tree called Acacia & Spina Aegyptia” and may be “called Gummi Acaciae, or Gummi Spinae Aegyptiae” (Lanfranco 47-48).

It is significant that Lafranco describes the gum of the acacia itself as “teares.” Inverting the metaphor of “Arabian Trees” found in the later Othello where Othello likens himself to a tree, Lafranco personifies the trees as having tears. The relationship between acacia and the eyes do not, however, end with the metaphor. Both Othello and Halle’s Lafranco associate their “medicinable gums” with the eyes, and the gummi arabicum’s relationship to vision becomes even clearer when one turns to its supposed “vertues” and uses. Lanfranco goes on to state that Gummi Arabicum is an excellent cure for the eyes, for “it is (as the tree wherof it commeth) of cooling and drying facultie, without sharpenes or byting: And therfore a commodious lenitiue medicine, for the grefes and peines of the eyes” (Lafranco and Hall 47-48). I will return to its use against the “grefes and peines of the eyes” a little later, but first want to turn to how other late sixteenth-century herbals describe acacia and Gum Arabic.

 

John Gerard's Acacia or Aegyptian Thorne.

John Gerard’s Acacia or Aegyptian Thorne.

 

Several other contemporaries like Jacques Guillemeau, and William Bullein mention Gummi Arabicum as an ingredient in cures for the eyes. In his Bulwarke of Defence, Bullein declares,

Acacia commeth from a thorne in Aegipt, whych hath coddes growing vpon it lyke a Broome, out of which coddes, leaues, and seede, is pressed forth the gumme Acatia, which wyl restraine and stoppe most effectually, and is cold and dry. This Acatia aboue all gummes hath vertue to coole and stop bloud, and bloudy flixes, and coole the burnyng of the eyes. (Bullein 61).

Following Dioscorides, John Gerard describes the Aegyptian Thorne in a similar fashion:

Dioscorides maketh mention of Acacia, whereof the first is the true and right Acacia, which is a shrub or hedge tree, but not growing right or straight vp as other small small trees do: his branches are wooddie, beset with many hard and long Thorns; about which grow the leaues, compact of many small leaues clustering about one side, as in the Lentill: the floures are whitish, the husks or cods be plaine and flat, yea very broad like vnto Lupines, especially on that side where the seed growes, which is contained sometimes in one part, and sometimes in two parts of the husk, growing together in a narrow necke: the seed is smooth and glistering. There is a blacke iuice taken out of these huskes, if they be dried in the shadow when they be ripe; but if when they are not ripe, then it is somewhat red: some do wring out a iuice out of the leaues and fruit: there floweth also a gum out of this tree which is the gum of Arabia, called Gum Arabicke. (Gerard 1149).

While the plant is more of a “shrub” than Othello’s “tree,” most of the herbals mention it as getting as large as a tree, or, like Gerard, consider it a “hedge tree.” Both descriptions above mention the way in which the juice of the acacia is acquired through pressing the cods, leaves, and husks. Whereas Bullein suggests that “gumme Acatia” comes from this process, Gerard and Lafranco note that the gum of Arabia or “Gum Arabicke” drops or flows from the tree itself. The most common method of harvesting Gum Arabic, however, is by wounding one of the tree’s branches, which causes the sap to seep from the tree, hardening into nuggets as the sap dries.[v]

While I have yet to find an herbal that describes the collection of Gum Arabic in a similar fashion, Robert Greene’s Mourning Garment offers an interesting if limited reference in the section where Rabbi Bilessies offers advice to his son, Philador, on the importance of secrecy. He advises, “Be … in secrecy like the Arabick tree, that yeelds no gumme but in the darke night” (Greene Cii verso). This unusual simile in a passage that might have either served as a source for or been inspired by Polonius’ advice to Laertes in Shakespeare’s Hamlet, Bilesses reports that the gum collected from acacia would appear only at night and uses this notion to construct a simile of how to act with secrecy. For Bilessies, one should only show themselves at night, only revealing their products when under the cover of darkness. Though I cannot find another source that describes the production of gummi arabicum in quite the same way and while we can never be sure that Shakespeare was familiar with Greene’s Mourning Garment at the time he penned Othello, the notion of secrecy and darkness appearing in this passage resembles the metaphorical valences of light and black in Shakespeare’s later play.

Before I return to the acacia as it relates to Othello, I will now turn to descriptions of myrrh as found in several herbals. The Grete Herball describes,

Myrre is hote and drye in the second degre. It is the gomme of a tre that groweth in Inde whiche in somer tyme cleveth to the tree. Myrre that is yellowe or somwat browne is best. There be two maners of it. One is meane, and the other course. Some call it Troelyten for the place that it groweth in. It hathe vertue to conforte, and joyne lymmes togyder. To waste and sprede humours by the complexion and qualyte thereof It keepeth fro cottynge, and thereof in olde tyme folke anoynted deed bodyes therewyth to kepe them longe. It may be kept a C. yeres. (Anon. [Q.iv.] recto).

Noting that myrrh is used in regimens “for the pose,” “for the brest,” and “for the gommes,” The Great Herball does not mention its relationship to treatments of the eyes even when other contemporary sources do in a way not all that dissimilar from the ways in which the Aegyptian Thorne is described.

 

Myrrh from the Hortus Sanitatis.

Myrrh from the Hortus Sanitatis.

 

As Halle’s Lafranco puts it,

Myrrha … heateth and dryeth in the seconde degree: and therefore glueth freshe woundes, especially of the head : Having also much bitternes, whereby it killeth wormes. It hath moreover a moderate abstertion: by reason whereof, it is mixed with medicines made for the eyes, for the olde cough, & for peinfull breathing. It hath also power to comfort and to defend from putrefaction, and to expell superfluities. It mundifieth rotten ulcers, and provoketh sleape. Howe be it the use of Myrrhe is not altogether hurtles, bothe for that the onely smell thereof acuseth head ache: and also because in the best myrrhe is found Opocarpasum, a thyng sayeth Galen, verye hurtfull and deadly, and hath kylled many unwittynglye takyng it with myrrhe. Myrrha is the teares or droppyng of a tree growynge in Arabia, not unlike to Spinae Aegiptiae, whereof ther are dyvers kyndes. (Lafranco 75-76).

Here, Lafranco describes myrrh as “teares” from an Arabian tree, and likens the droppings to those of the Aegyptian Thorne or acacia. What strikes me, however, is that Lafranco uses the acacia or Aegyptian Thorne as the frame of reference for myrrh rather than vice-versa. In this passage, the acacia becomes the normative tree to which myrrh is likened. In other herbals, one also finds acacia is as important if not more so that myrrh. Gerard, for example, while including a section on the Aegyptian Thorne in his 1597 herbal, does not bother to have an entry on myrrh at all. This is not to say that myrrh was culturally insignificant, but these authors do devote more attention to acacia and set acacia as the normative reference point for weeping trees that drop “medicinable” gum. While both references would be current in the late sixteenth or early seventeenth centuries, one cannot discount the possibility that the “Arabian trees” refer to either classification of Arabian weeping trees.

Similar, too, is the way in which both myrrh and gummi arabicum are harvested from their respective trees. Here, I think, is where Othello’s reference becomes interesting within the context of his suicide speech. Both gums are harvested when their respective trees are wounded, cut into or otherwise gouged. By wounding the bark, the sap is released and can be collected. While none of the herbals I have looked at describe this process in precisely these terms, their descriptions too reveal a violence involved in harvesting Gum Arabic. As John Gerard puts it in the passage on acacia I cited earlier, one must “wring the juice” from the leaves and fruit, and William Bullein offers that the juice is “pressed” from the tree.

The harvesting method relates to Othello as his own tears result from an act of wounding. Having first been injured by the state for questioning his marriage to Desdemona, then through Iago’s internal wounds that corrupt his Phantasy and his image of her, and again through his act of killing her, Othello receives a wounding both internally in his humoral reconstitution and in his mind, and externally in the effects upon his public persona and reputation. These “woundings” cause Othello, whose eyes are unused to the melting mood, to weep.

While sixteenth-century herbals associate both myrrh and acacia Africa and the middle-east, both myrrh and gummi arabicum are harvested from their thorny trees by injuring the bark of their respective plants, the gummi arabicum has the strongest associations with cures for the eyes. The German George Bartisch’s 1583 masterpiece on diseases of the eye, his [Opthalmodouleia] Das ist Augendienst, lists both myrrh and gummi arabicum as ingredients in his cures for the eyes, but much more commonly makes references to gummi arabicum. But, as I’ve said, both are associated with Arabia, both are described as coming from the “tears” of a tree, and both are used in eye medicines.

The Gum Arabic was not only used for eye medicines and cures. As Gerard would go on to say, “The iuice of Acacia stoppeth the laske, the inordinate course of womens termes, and mans inuoluntarie issue called Gonorrhaea, if it be drunke in red wine. It healeth the blastings and inflammations of the eies,” and that “The gum doth binde and somewhat coole: it hath also ioined vnto it an emplaistick quality, by which it dulleth or alayeth the sharpnesse of the medicines wherewith it is mixed. Being applied with the white and yolk of an egge, it suffereth not blisters to rise in burned or scalded parts” (Gerard 1331). Many other contemporary herbals associated not only the juice, but also the gum with cures of the eyes, but I will return below to these other uses as they might relate to Shakespeare’s play.

In a sense, Othello is “curing” his eyes through his tears, and it has been Iago’s affect on them that has “subdued” them. Othello not only wants his listeners to “set…down” the fact that he cries, but he simultaneously points out that those very “subdued eyes” drip their own medicine, and indicate the restoration of his ability to “see” correctly. The tears become the antidote to Iago’s poison, and his “eyes” have been cured of the malicious shaping of envy and jealousy. The watery eye is likened to an “Arabian tree” (whether acacia or myrrh) that also helps “restore” or “cure” sight. To take this even further, Gerard notes that the gum “dulleth or alayeth the sharpnesse of the medicines wherewith it is mixed,” and Othello’s tears “dull or alayeth the shaprnesse of [Iago’s] medicines.”

The Phantasy which had been prodded into service of Iago’s envious revenge on Othello’s ability to see has not vanished entirely, however, because Othello turns from “speak[ing] of [himself] as [he is]” to once more tapping into the fantastic as he continues,

And say besides that in Aleppo once,
Where a malignant and a turbaned Turk
Beat a Venetian and traduced the state,
I took by th’ throat the circumcised dog
And smote him thus. (V.ii. 361-365).

Othello deploys the Phantasy to enact the radical self-splitting of his “bloody period.” This fantastical tale, a product of Phantasy, captures the sense of self-splitting that misrecognition has encouraged within him, and which makes Brabanzio’s earlier question about Othello’s ability to “see” prophetic.

II. “If thou hast eyes to see”: Othello’s Jealous[e]ies

While Iago will ultimately push Othello over the edge, it is Brabanzio that first questions his Othello’s ability to “see.” The problem of “seeing” surfaces that conceal hidden desires, motivations and actions emerges in the trial scene just after Brabanzio discovers his own inability to penetrate the hidden secrets of his daughter’s appearance and is refused “justice” by the court, when Brabanzio offers Othello a warning, “Look to her Moor, if thou hast eyes to see,/ She has deceived her father and may thee” (I.iii. 291-292). Brabanzio’s conditional “if” seems startlingly out of context in this line, and Brabanzio questions Othello’s ability to “see” beyond the potentially deceptive visual to the truth.

One wonders how one could have eyes but to see, but here Brabanzio launches a subtle attack on Othello’s humanity by suggesting that he has eyes that insufficiently discern truth beyond the realm of the immediately visible. Brabanzio broaches the issue for Othello and of the play as a whole that what is seen may in fact not be what is real, and this suggestion leaves Othello in a quandary. The lesson Brabazio teaches here, is one that he has just recently learned from his daughter. Since Brabanzio can no longer trust the external appearance and behavior, coding it with an ulterior and hidden motive, he claims that were he to have a daughter besides Desdemona he should become a “tyrant”. While the “lesson” may be part of the reason Brabanzio makes this statement to Othello, it does not explain his framing it in the conditional. The conditional “if” questions Othello’s eyes, and it does not make much sense to wonder if he has “eyes to see” unless Brabanzio questions Othello’s ability to perceive and judge the hidden truths behind the world of appearances.

Similar questions about Othello’s ability to “see” rightly emerge when Iago confesses to Roderigo that Othello chose Cassio as his lieutenant in spite of what Othello’s eyes had seen in battle, choosing a lieutenant who practices the stratagems and deceptions of war rather than one proved in actual battle. A special reciprocity in the form of Iago’s later attack and the perceived injustice he voices in this earlier exchange with Roderigo. Iago claims that Othello chose Cassio for his “bookish theoric” and did so against [Othello’s] “eyes which had seen the proof” (I. i. 25) of Iago’s military prowess. According to Iago here, Othello fails to discern the truth of value through what he has seen, and Iago sets out to punish Othello’s eyes for that inability. His attack focuses on the very aspects of Othello’s character by which he feels slighted; Othello’s power to advance Cassio before him, and Othello’s eyes for that have been responsible for failing to “see” a perceived truth and misjudging Iago’s worth in respect to his rival. Iago finds “judgment” lacking in Othello’s eyes, and his method of attack will prove to turn Othello’s Judgment or Reason against his eyes.

The play returns to the idea of not being able to discern truth from falsehood and a failure of the eyes in Othello’s later interaction with Brabanzio. During the trial scene, Othello emerges on the stage as a seemingly flawless figure, appearing “all in all sufficient,” until Iago begins to undermine that self-image and his image and reputation for others by corrupting his Judgment. Brabanzio’s statement about Othello’s inability to see haunts him through the remainder of the play and those anxieties are prodded by an Iago who thinks, too, that Othello’s eyes lack judgment. Iago reminds Othello of Desdemona’s ability to deceive, insinuating hidden faults as sin lie behind her proper appearance, when prompting him to recall that “She that so young could give out such a seeming,/ To seel her father’s eyes up close as oak,/ He thought ‘twas witchcraft!” (III. iii. 213-215).

Brabanzio’s “seel[ed]” eyes echo Othello’s own concerns that his marriage to Desdemona will negatively affect his military office. Othello famously proclaims that he does not desire Desdemona’s wishes to be fulfilled because he wants to “please the palate of [his] appetite” (I.iii. 261), but rather to be “free and bounteous to [Desdemona’s] mind;” the very mind that was able to picture his own. The origin of their love marks an appropriate and positive function of the ability to construct mental images of another person, where the internal images correspond to the external appearances of truth. In addition to assuring the Senators not only that he desires Desdemona’s company to be “free and bounteous” to Desdemona’s mind, Othello assures that her traveling with him will not be “scant” in their “serious and great business,” saying,

…No, when light-winged toys
Of feathered Cupid seel with wanton dullness
My speculative and officed instruments,
That my disports corrupt and taint my business,
Let housewives make a skillet of my helm,
And all indign and base adversities
Make head against my estimation. (I.iii. 267-273).

The implication is that Othello cannot “see” the gap between the external and internal, between appearance and reality, between externally verifiable and internally concealed. The irony is that light-winged toys and “trifles light as air” do “seel” Othello’s speculative instruments later, although not as a result of “featherd Cupid,” but instead because of the interpretive framework Iago instructs and insinuates within Othello’s mind and Phantasy.

Othello assures the Duke and Senators that his “disports” will not “corrupt and taint [his] business,” but the ultimate irony will be that Iago will be able to “seel” his “speculative and officed instruments,” and that Iago’s envy rather than Othello’s disports will “corrupt and taint [his] business.” It is later that Iago reminds Othello that Desdemona had been able to “seel her father’s eyes up as close as an oak,” but the “seeling” of Othello’s eyes will come from a very different type of “corruption” than the “wanton dullness” he dismisses here. Not only does Iago’s narrative “seel” Othello’s “eye,” but his “indign and base adversities” make head against his “estimation.” The “estimation” to which Othello refers means not only others’ “estimation” of his qualities, but also his to his Reason. The “Estimation” and the “Cogitation” were dual processes that had been consolidated under the powers of reason in the middle ventricle of the brain, but closer to the composition and performance of Othello, the two were often subsumed under the broadened powers of Reason or Judgment. It is not his “disports” and dalliances with Desdemona that “corrupt and taint” him, but instead Iago’s ability to “puddle [Othello’s] spirit,” including his “vissive spirits” upon which the Reason and soul depended to make proper judgments.

When Iago’s “poison” begins to work, we will come to see that all kinds of “adversities” begin to attack his Reason. This is not to say that Othello is not simultaneously referring to “indign and base adversities” he associates with “housewives” that will turn his helmet into a “skillet,” rendering his implements of war into domestic ones. Additionally, however, the “housewives” here could also refer to the sensory apparatus itself, which Du Laurens and others considered the “handmaidens” to the Soul that could threaten to turn his helmet or the head within it into a skillet that would open him to all kinds of “vaine apprehensions and phantasies” when corrupted, shaped, or distorted.

Othello’s tears signify not only his return to the ability to properly “see” the consequences of his actions and the world around him, but also brings him back to the ability to properly shape his Phantasy to produce a counter-narrative and counter-perception of the ways in which Venetian society misrecognizes him in a way parallel to his own eventual misrecognition of Desdemona. The real tragedy here is that he had the ability to “properly judge” before those acts of misrecognition and Iago’s counter-narrative were able to convince him he had not. If Othello can be read as an exploration of the problems of a visual based epistemology, Othello’s reference to the medicinable gum enacts its cure; the eyes themselves metaphorically “drop” their own “cures.” This reference serves a dual function as Othello counteracts the denial of his of eye/ I/ [e]I[e] that emerged from Brabanzio’s conditional “if thou hast eyes to see,” as well as to reinforce the cleansing and healing of those eyes that Iago has prompted him not to trust through tears.[v]

The radical self-dividing within Othello’s fictional framing of his own suicide, as is often noted, pits three Othellos against one another. The “turbaned Turk,” being the racist image of the “uncivilized” aspect of Othello’s identity which commits violence against Desdemona, “beat” a Venetian, the “civilized” aspect of his identity that commanded reputation and authority, but Othello claims a stable “I” in the moment of self-slaughter. Turning from the fictional setting of “Aleppo,” Othello brings both the narrative and himself into the present to assert a new “I” that finally defeats the “Turk.” The three Othellos constitute not only an internalized self-splitting, but also speak to the fractured public perception of his roles and place within Venetian society.

The movements out of fictional narrative and towards action, and from radical self-splitting to stability, come only at the moment of his death, and only after the truth comes to light and his tears drop a type of “medicine.” Othello’s “cure” to his jealousy and madness arrives too late, but, I would argue, the change comes both through his murderous actions and through his act of weeping. While herbals associate both with eye medicines, they typically associate Aegyptian Thorne more thoroughly with the eyes. As I have suggested, Othello’s tears do operate as a type of medicine for his jealous condition and for counteracting the pestilence with which Iago has infected Othello.

While I cannot say that the reference to the “Arabian trees” and their “medicinable gum” points definitively to either the acacia or myrrh, I do think that both of their properties and their relationship to eye-medicines have some bearing on the play’s dominant visual metaphors. And while both “medicinable gums” come from “Arabian trees,” the fact that the gummi arabicum actually refers to its supposed place of origin speaks in its favor. Both “Arabian trees” have similar descriptions and some overlapping properties but differ in some of their “vertues” and uses in ways that might be important for Othello, and might lead to potentially rich readings if glosses did not prune the possibilities.

Other “vertues” differ substantially for the acacia in ways that might have some bearing on readings of Othello. Bullein notes that acacia “stoppeth the blouddy flixe,” and Gerard details that “the iuice of Acacia stoppeth the laske, the inordinate course of womens termes, and mans inuoluntarie issue called Gonorrhaea, if it be drunke in red wine.” While critics rarely speculate anymore about Othello and Desdemona’s interrupted wedding night, Stanley Cavell offered a reading of the play that suggested the interrupted wedding night, the wedding sheets, and the handkerchief all might represent the possibility that Desdemona either did not bleed during their consummation, or that their marriage was unconsummated.[vii] With such psychoanalytic readings, however, Othello’s final reference might have some relationship to either Desdemona’s lack of blood upon consummation or to her possible menstruation. Additionally, it might relate to the possibility of Othello’s sexual dysfunction and impotence in that gummi arabicum might also have a relationship to sexually transmitted diseases.

Even without speculating about this interrupted wedding night, the possible allusion to sexually transmitted disease and to menstruation relates to feminist critiques of Othello’s anxieties over human, especially female, sexuality. As critics have long noted, Othello has an unusual aversion towards and outright repulsion from sexuality in general and female sexuality in particular. The metaphors of vision, poison and disease, and an anxiety over female sexuality and sexual organs might converge and purge one another in the simile Othello deploys to describe his tears. Unfortunately for Desdemona, this cure comes too late to save her, but it also only comes at the moment just before the eponymous hero kills himself. Realizing that his skepticism and anxieties over female sexuality and bodily corruption caused him to kill his innocent wife, Othello finds a momentary cure for his ailments just before his own death.

If the reference to “Arabian trees” is taken as a reference to acacia rather than to myrrh, its associations with both sexually transmitted diseases and with menstruation should give us pause. The reference then represents his tears as metaphorical cures for disease and as a medicine to curtain “the inordinate course of womens termes,” but both of these concerns with regards to Desdemona’s body or his own reveal either a continuing anxiety about human sexuality or as a cure for those very anxieties that made him susceptible to Iago’s machinations. On the one hand, Othello implies that both disease and menstruation need to be “cured,” and that his tears signify a type of cure for each. On the other hand, Othello implies that his weeping cleanses his mind of both concerns, as if the tears themselves purge his brain of those very anxieties.

Although the metaphors of sight in Othello have been worked and reworked in countless book chapters and articles, the reference to the “Arabian trees” towards the conclusion of the play informs the motif of the visual that runs through it. While I will address the effects of the visual on the Phantasy and the significance of opening the interpretive possibilities by acknowledging that the line may refer to the acacia or Aegyptian Thorne in later posts, I do think I have offered enough evidence to prove that Othello’s “Arabian trees” should not be too readily glossed as “myrrh.”

III. “My life upon her faith”: Cleansing Othello’s Eyes and Phantasy

If I am correct that the reference (even if read as myrrh) metaphorically associates his tears with medicines for the eyes, it illuminates an aspect of this motif that previously remained in the shadows. Othello’s tears represent a cure of sorts. A cure for the jealousy Iago inspired. A cure for the wrath this jealousy caused. A cure for Othello’s delusional beliefs about Desdemona’s fidelity. And all of this constitutes a cure for his manner of seeing. The jealousy Iago so carefully fostered and generated produces in Othello a manner of jealous “seeing as” that keeps Othello from seeing Desdemona properly and correctly. In a sense, Iago shapes Othello’s phantasm or species of Desdemona from one that inspires attraction to one that provokes revulsion, jealousy, and rage.

In another post, I will discuss the important role of the Phantasy in this process in relation to Othello in particular, but in my earlier post on Petrarch’s Secretum, I discussed the Phantasy’s privileged position in determinations of good and evil, attraction and revulsion. There, I argued that Petrarch aligns the Phantasy with the body and links its evaluations with the corporeal world and its objects which detract from and distract the soul. Similarly, Iago manipulates Othello’s image of Desdemona by infecting his Phantasy and corrupting the phantasms of her that it contains. Iago shapes the phantasm from one that inspires attraction and reverence to one that produces repulsion and attraction. As such, Iago perverts the functioning of Othello’s eyes, causing him to see her differently.

The tears function as a cleansing act, purging Othello of the false phantasms to which he has become susceptible. Through Othello’s reference to the “Arabian trees” and their “medicinable gum,” Othello underscores the eye-infection Iago has caused through his shaping language, suggesting that he is cured of this corruption. As I noted above, however, if read as simultaneously registering a continued anxiety over the status of Desdemona’s body and of female sexuality, his disease persists, but, even still, Othello’s phantasm of his wife is stripped of the puddling Iago created.

This metaphorical and perhaps literal cleansing restores the phantasm of Desdemona as the faithful and chaste wife, stripping her of the pollution caused by Othello’s belief that she has been unfaithful, reclaiming that phantasm from being a source of revulsion to one of attraction and from being a source of hate to one of love. Iago’s ability to manipulate Othello’s private Phantasy and his phantasm of Desdemona constitutes a secular version of the power over the phantasms that Kramer and Sprenger attribute to the devil and to demons in their Malleus Maleficarum. In their Malleus, the Phantasy and its species or phantasms, as with Petrarch’s Secretum, were positioned as central to the personal emotional responses to perception.

As Kramer and Sprenger state in their Malleus regarding the supposed transformations of humans into the forms of non-human animals,

…Devils can by witchcraft cause a man to be unable to see his wife rightly, and the converse. And this comes from an affectation of the fancy, so that she is represented to him as an odious and horrible thing. (Kramer and Sprenger 63).

While referring immediately to questions about the possibility of demonically inspired transformations of human into non-human animals, the passage can be read in relation to Othello in a very different context. While Kramer and Sprenger reveal that such issues were couched in controversy, they state that the devil and demons do have some power over the internal and external senses. The devil and his minions, they offer, cannot force feelings of love and hate directly, they can, however, delude by manipulating the sensitive soul and the sensory apparatus.

In Othello, we find a very different scenario that the immediate context of the previous passage in the Malleus Maleficarum, but the different contexts allow us to see a similar cognitive structure at work in the parallels. Instead of the devil or his demons, we find the secularized figure of Iago. While not transformed into the form of a non-human animal in Othello’s sensory apparatus, Desdemona’s image is rendered just as “odious and horrible” as any borrowed form. While not rendered “invisible,” Iago’s manipulations and Othello’s jealousy have made it impossible for him to see her correctly just the same. Instead of making Othello physically incapable of seeing his wife or metamorphosing her external form in Othello’s exterior or interior sense, Iago shapes the reception of that form, phantasm, or species in Othello’s inner sense. Instead of directly turning Othello’s love into hate, Iago manipulates Othello’s sense of Desdemona, turning her from an object of love into one of hate by way of the Phantasy and the private phantasms.

Instead of gum that appears only under the cover of darkness as in Robert Greene’s description of “Arabick trees” in his Mourning Garment, Othello’s gum-tears appear publically and for all to see. While they might suggest a purging or cleansing of Othello’s visual powers and his judgment, they, like the narrative in which he embeds them, might only be shed and discussed to shape other’s perceptions of Othello’s characters and actions. In the world of the play, however, this remains a secret that will never come fully to light. It was secrecy and the threat of potential secrecy that partially led to Othello’s “blindness” in the first place. As Iago discusses his plot to poison Othello’s mind by making him suspect his wife and in his assault upon the Moorish eyes he feels have wronged him, “Hell and night/ Must bring this monstrous birth to the world’s light” (I.iii.385-386).

It is the poisoning or pollution of the senses that are (at least partially) washed away with Othello’s tears. Those tears are produced by and produce an anagnorisis where the recognition comes not through some external object, symbol, birthmark, or other external form, but through a shift in a way of seeing—specifically a way of seeing his now dead wife. The metaphor of the “Arabian trees” and their “medicinable gum”—regardless of whether the reference is to acacia or to myrrh—highlights the “curing” of Othello’s eyes as well as his manner of “seeing as.” The main dfference here is that this late recognition serves as a corrective to the earlier misrecognition inspired and cultivated by Iago. Othello’s private Phantasy, which had rendered Desdemona as something “odious and horrible,” now cleansed of his jealous[e]ies and Iago’s manipulating influence, once again “sees” Desdemona and the truth of his odious fantasies and his horrible actions. Inverting the paradigm of Oedipus, his recognition leads not to blindness but to sight, but, as with Oedipus, this recognition comes too late.

The whole is further complicated by the fact that Othello self-consciously constructs the “tale” of his own personal history and subsequent suicide. His tears and his metaphor of those tears shape the phantasm of himself and the narrative controlling his previous actions and culminating suicide. In this sense, Othello deploys the tricks of Iago to self-consciously control the narrative shaping of the phantasm of himself in the minds of his auditors. The pre-jealous Othello was no stranger to this trick of narrative as the stories of his travels and travails transformed the species or phantasm of himself within Desdemona’s inner sense from one that inspired repulsion to one that attracted and inspired love. As an inverse to Iago’s verbal manipulation, this process too parallels the one found in the Malleus Maleficarum where angels and devils are granted special access to and manipulation of the contents and objects of the Phantasy.

The intersection of the visual, the aural, and the oral brings up one more complicating layer to the early modern sensory apparatus which stressed the interrelation and conjunction of the external senses within the inner senses, and especially in the inner sense’s sensus communis and the attached and related Phantasy. While we are typically inclined to see the sensory data from each of the discrete external senses as separate and incommensurate, the theories of the sensitive soul, its Phantasy, and its objects as species and phantasms, stressed their interrelation and conjunction.[viii]

It is Othello’s tears that purge him of the tainted phantasms Iago narratively and interpretively sculpts and shapes within Othello’s mind and Phantsy. Those tears metaphorically and perhaps literally purify his image of Desdemona and represent a return to her right reception within his inner senses. Restoring the ability to “see” which has been questioned by Brabanzio and shaped by the “demi-devil” Iago, Othello turns his eyes inwards to see the “odious and horrible” form he has become, and sees the effects of his tainted judgment and manner of seeing. His reference to the “Arabian tree” and its “medicinable gum” highlight the notion Othello’s eyes and Phantasy are cured through tears.

While this aspect might be visible if taken for myrrh rather than for acacia and its gummi arabicum, that aspect comes into greater relief and focus when one considers how much the Gum Arabic was associated in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries with restoratives or cures for the eyes. But it is not the physical eye alone that his tears cure. Those tears also purge, clean, and cure the sensory apparatus that connects that external sense to the internal senses. It is Othello’s Phantasy as well as his “spirits” that Iago has “puddled,” causing him to misrecognize Desdemona by shaping how her species and phantasm are received by his Phantasy. This eventual misrecognition of Desdemona, in part, has its origins in the Venetian misrecognition of Othello as becomes apparent in Brabanzio’s question of whether Othello has eyes to see during the trial scene. Othello’s anxieties that he might not have eyes to see, the fear that he might be deficient in his judgment produces the very result he fears he is already plagued with. Iago gives birth to his monstrous plot not only against Othello by also Othello’s eyes and the judgment to which they are linked. This plot sets out to produce in Othello’s manner of seeing the very deficiency he (most likely wrongly) senses in Othello’s election of Cassio as lieutenant. Iago punishes Othello’s eyes. The secularized “demi-devil,” Iago, distorts and twists the reception of Desdemona’s phantasm in such a way as to turn her into something “odious and horrible,” but Othello restores his sight just before the moment of his death.

Works Cited

Anonymous. The Grete Herball. London: Peter Treveris, 1521.

Bartisch, George. [Opthalmodouleia] Das ist Augendienst. Dresden: durch Matthes Stockel, 1583.

Bucknill, Sir John Charles. The Medical Knowledge of Shakespeare. Longman, 1860.

Bullein, William. Bulwarke of Defence. London, 1579.

Cavell, Stanley. Disowning Knowledge in Six Plays of Shakespeare. New York: Cambridge UP, 1996.

Gerard, John. The Herball or Generall Historie of Plantes. London: John Norton, 1597.

Greene, Robert. Mourning Garment, Given Him by Repentance at the Funerals of Love (etc.). George Purhlowe, 1616.

Kramer, Heinrich and James Sprenger. The Malleus Maleficarum. New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1971.

Lafranco, of Milan and John Hall. A most excellent and learned woorke of chirgerie. London: Thomas Marshe, 1565.

Park, David. The Fire Within the Eye. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton UP, 1997.

Shakespeare, William, and Modern Language Association of America. A New Variorum Edition of Shakespeare: Othello. [c1886. J.B. Lippincott & Company, 1886.

Shakespeare, William. The Norton Shakespeare: Based on the Oxford Edition. Norton, 1997.

Sousa, Geraldo U. De. At Home in Shakespeare’s Tragedies. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2013.

 


[i] If one wonders about my use of the terms Phantasy, species, and phantasms here, see my other posts on the subject.

[ii] Othello already proves his adroit use of narrative to shape perception, emotion, and belief even before he succumbs to Iago’s influence when he describes his courtship with Desdemona. There, his fantastic tales inspire Desdemona’s love for him. While his tales of travel and travail shape Desdemona’s perception of and feelings towards him, Othello has encountered and recognized how powerful narrative can be in the shaping of perception of others through his interaction with Iago.

[iii] See, for example, A New Variorum Edition of Shakespeare: Othello, page 322.

[iv] See pages 67-70. As it is somewhat tangential to his arguments about representations of Africa and the Middle-East, Sousa does not debate the issue, but takes it for granted that Othello’s lines refer to the gum Arabic. This is all the more striking considering that very few even consider the possibility.

[v] I will return to the method of acquiring the Gummi Arabicum later in this post as it relates to Othello’s struggle with identity.

[vi] I have written on this elsewhere, and I will post my thoughts on this later.

[vii] See Cavell’s Disowning Knowledge pages 132-137.

[viii] I will not comment on this further in this post, but will return to some much more speculative thoughts on the relationship among the external senses in pre-and early modern senses of sense-making in later posts.

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Posted in Scholarship, Shaping Sense, William Shakespeare, Tangents Tagged history of the senses, seeing as, imagination, Gerard, Petrarch, Phantasy, Shakespeare, vision, Othello, early modern, jealousy, Herbals, Iago

“I know the place”: Locating the Woodcut in William Griffith’s 1570 Edition of William Baldwin’s Beware the Cat

William Baldwin’s Beware the Cat remains shrouded in mystery. The bulk of the short fiction supposedly recreates an oration given by Gregory Streamer on December 28th of the preceding year. Streamer’s fantastic tale concerns an “experiment” he performed that allowed him to hear the language of cats. Streamer’s oration, split into three by the character and “reporter” of the tale, G. B., consists of a first part that details the occasion and origin of his quest to access the language of cats while lodging at a printing-house, a second part revealing his method of constructing a “philter” to allow him to hear their language, and a third part that records what he experiences of a feline congregation assembled outside the printing-house in which he lodged.

Although typically taken as a framing game in which Baldwin provides a fictional context with specificity and detail to provide a realistic narrative frame through which to offer his fantastic fiction, the year in question remains open for debate. William Ringler, in the introduction to his modern edition, sets December 28, 1552 as the date for Streamer’s fictional oration (Baldwin xvi). The meta-fictional elements that frame Baldwin’s satire have received a lot of critical attention recently. Most critics read Baldwin’s satire as both engaging with the complexities of fiction-making and as a satire of Catholicism. The odd piece of fiction, in its blending of genres and forms leaves many interpretive possibilities and mysteries yet to be explored.

One mystery surrounding the text is when it was first published. The earliest extant edition of Beware the Cat dates from 1570, published by William Griffith in London, and only exists in fragment. A second version of Baldwin’s fiction was published in the same year by John Allde. A later edition, printed by Edward Allde, John Allde’s son, appeared in 1584. Some contend, like Trudy Ko, that enough evidence for the existence of the 1561 edition exists that the issue should be reconsidered, arguing that its existence has been largely ignored by post-Ringler critics.

The whole of Beware the Cat remains as enigmatic as the woodcut that appears on the verso of the 1570 Griffith edition’s title page.

From the title-page verso of Griffith's 1570 edition of William Baldwin's Beware the Cat

From the title-page verso of Griffith’s 1570 edition of William Baldwin’s Beware the Cat

The 1570 William Griffith (Wylliam Gryffith) edition is the only known edition that includes this woodcut. There is no indication that the possible preceding edition of 1561, the John Allde edition of 1570, or the Edward Allde edition of 1584 featured the same.

In criticism of Beware the Cat criticism, only Edward T. Bonahue, Jr notes its significance, saying,

The largest and fiercest of this beastly trio crouches at the top, menacing the viewer with sharp fangs and claws, indicating its ability (and impending willingness) to inflict pain. The second, considerably smaller and differently proportioned, scurries to the left with captured prey clenched in its teeth. The third, similarly small but more docile, heads in the opposite direction with a wry smile and the fur along its spine ruffled in excitement. While the title page invites the assumption that all three creatures are cats, these portraits are sufficiently ambiguous to allow other identifications, and the variations among them might even suggest creation by different artists. (Bonahue 283).

Bonahue’s argues how the “framing” or “caging” of these three animals reflect the way “the ‘text’ of Beware the Cat is constituted by a multeity of subordinate components, varying in size, appearance, personality, and narrative origin, but inhering within the integrated artifact of the physical book” (Bonahue 285) in its “play of textual frames.” While the woodcut does play a part in Baldwin’s elaborate framing that “mediate[s] between fictional space and the actual world, or, in terms of narratology, to provide a transitional link between two or more distinct discursive fields” (Bonahue 285-286), it also builds an intertextual bridge between Baldwin’s fictional space and other fields of discourse.

While Bonahue might be correct to argue that the three animals were the creation of three different artists and that, within the context of Griffith’s edition, they might invite “the assumption that all three are cats,” I believe I have found the source from which these images were taken. The three animals coexisting within the same border in the Griffith edition of Beware the Cat can be found separated into two different woodcuts in Laurence Andrewe’s The Noble Lyfe and Natures of Man printed in Antwerp around 1521 and reprinted around 1527. While Griffith’s cuts might be copies of images from the Doesburg originals, I believe I can prove definitively that Griffith possessed at least a partial set of copies of The Noble Lyfe woodcuts if not the originals and included them in his edition of William Baldwin’s Beware the Cat.

Here are the woodcuts as found in The Noble Lyfe.

The “Leopardus or the leoparde” from Doesburg’s The Noble Lyfe & Natures of Man, p. 52
The “Ermyne” and the “chirogrillus & erinatius… all one” from Doesburg’s The Noble Lyfe & Natures of Man, p. 43

As you can see, the woodcuts from The Noble Lyfe resemble those found in Griffith’s edition of Beware the Cat. The only major difference is the absence of the original borders surrounding the originals and the construction of a new border around all three. While the three figures might remain as ambiguous in the context of Griffith’s edition as Bonahue suggests, the originals in The Noble Lyfe are supposed to be of a leopard in the first block, and an “Ermyne” at the top and a “Cirogrillus & Erinacius [that] is all one” paired in the second. I will return to the significance of the three animals later in this post.

The cuts from The Noble Lyfe certainly look similar to the ones found in Griffith’s Beware the Cat, but the three figures found there are split between two separate woodcuts in The Noble Lyfe whereas in Beware the Cat they are combined into one. There is evidence, however, that original separate borders around the cuts used to make the Beware the Cat impressions might have been removed. Look, for example, at the way the leopard’s tail and the head and the back of the ermine in Beware the Cat have flattened and straighter lines than one might expect of a new cut.

As I discussed in a previous post, The Noble Lyfe, printed by Jan van Doesburg in Antwerp for the first time around 1521, was an English translation of Der Dieren Palleys, printed by Doesburg in Antwerp the year before. Both of van Doesburg’s editions derive, in part, from the a Latin edition of the Hortus Sanitatis, and while the woodcuts from the Antwerp editions follow the cruder editions of the Hortus over more detailed editions, the woodcuts in Doesburg’s editions were almost certainly modeled after rather than produced from the same blocks used to produce the Hortus Sanitatus. Here are the three figures as they appear in a 1497 edition:

The “Leopardus” in the 1497 Hortus Sanitatis, De Animalibus Capitulum lxxxi
The “Crimacius & Ermineus” in the 1497 Hortus Sanitatis, De Animalibus Capitulum lviii

The Doesburg cuts were modeled after the cuts from the Hortus, but even a cursory examination of the scans available on Early English Books Online (EEBO) and on Google Books that Doesburg’s copies do not follow their Hortus Sanitatus originals exactly. The woodcut found in Beware the Cat, with the exception of the border, almost duplicates the woodcuts from The Noble Lyfe and Der Dieren Palleys.

While I have yet to examine physical copies or obtain higher quality scans, I think I can say definitively that the woodcuts found on the verso of the Griffith edition title page of William Baldwin’s Beware the Cat, at the very least, copied blocks used in Doesburg’s editions of The Noble Lyfe and Der Dieren Palleys. It might even be possible, if I get the opportunity to inspect the physical copies of each text, to argue that Griffith was in possession of the same blocks.

The Griffith edition of Beware the Cat might have used the same woodcuts that produced Der Dieren Palleys and The Noble Lyfe. I would not make such a suggestion if another of Griffith’s publications did not also include yet another block modeled after or taken from the series of woodcuts used to illustrate The Noble Lyfe. Griffith must have been in possession of part of the series used for, or at least copied from, The Noble Lyfe, since he used the “Gryphon” from the same series in his 1570 edition of Stephanus Bodonius’ The Fortresse of Fayth.

“Grippes” from the Hortus Sanitatis, De Animalibus, Capitulum lvi
The “grype” from The Noble Lyfe, p. 103
The gryphon from the final page of Gryffith’s 1570 edition of The Fortresse of Fayth, colophon

Despite the more elaborate printer’s device featuring a gryphon, Griffith opts for a second woodcut of a gryphon resembling that from Doesburg’s books. To me, this proves at the very least that Griffith was in possession of at least a partial set from or copied from The Noble Lyfe and/or Der Dieren Palleys around 1570. Until I get a chance to inspect the physical copies to determine the exact sizes and wear patterns, I do not feel comfortable suggesting the same blocks were used, but I am comfortable saying that Griffith at least possessed a partial set copied from those others.

Despite the gryphon at the end of the Fortresse, the title pages of The Fortresse of Fayth and Beware the Cat, both printed in 1570, both feature a printer’s device with a gryphon.

Beware the Cat, Title Page
The Fortresse of Fayth, Title Page

As we only have a fragment of Griffith’s edition of Beware the Cat, we cannot be sure whether it too included the second gryphon at the end or if it included other woodcuts throughout the text. At the same time, the second gryphon in the edition of the Fortresse links Griffith to another block modeled after or taken from Doesburg’s editions.

I should note, too, that I have found a second printer’s device used by Griffith featuring a gryphon, again distinct from both the printer’s device and the gryphon woodcut featured in his edition of The Fortresse of Fayth. Cruder than that found on the title page of The Fortresse, Griffith used another image of a gryphon as a printer’s device on his 1565 edition of The Tragedie of Gorboduc.

William Griffith's 1565 edition of The Tragedie of Gorboduc

William Griffith’s 1565 edition of The Tragedie of Gorboduc

Here, we see an earlier and cruder printer’s device again featuring a gryphon. This example shows us that William Griffith was in possession of three different gryphon blocks, and still included those similar to The Noble Lyfe woodcut in his edition of The Fortresse of Fayth.

The fact that Griffith included The Noble Lyfe’s gryphon at the end of his edition of the Fortresse might simply mean that, in an attempt to increase demand for his books by adding as many illustrations as possible, he simply added woodcuts to make William Baldwin’s Beware the Cat more marketable. These woodcuts might not have been included at Baldwin’s behest or even with his knowledge, but it is curious that Griffith chooses two woodcuts that intimately relate to the content of Beware the Cat. At the same time, the question remains why he would include all three figures rather than simply the one of the leopard since that cut, in this context, most relates to Baldwin’s fiction. This is especially significant if I am correct to think the blocks were altered in order to fit all three within a single frame. One might ask why all three were included rather than simply printing the leopard in isolation.

The three figures might have been chosen for their resemblance to cats, as Bonahue suggests, but I disagree. Certainly the top figure might, in this context, be taken for a cat rather than as a leopard, but the other two are less likely to be so mistaken. The second, if one ignores the shape of the head and the ears could have been taken for a cat, but the last in the series, with its quills and tail almost certainly could not. Still, it might be possible that Griffith chose both woodcuts because the leopard and the ermine might be seen as cats in the context of his edition of Baldwin’s fiction. The third figure, however, remains a mystery. In the Hortus Sanitatus and in Doesburg’s two bestiaries, the figure represents both the hyrax and the hedgehog.

The tail and the cloven feet should also make it difficult to consider the originals found in the Hortus Sanitatus, Der Dieren Palleys, and The Noble Lyfe as both a hyrax and as a hedgehog. The Noble Lyfe uses what would eventually become the bottommost figure on the Beware the Cat woodcut to illustrate the section on hedgehogs. Andrewe’s translation describes, “it is a lytelle beste lyke a pigge & his skynne is rownde about full of sharp pinnes save only onder his bely that no man may come nygh hym & it is moche lyke an urchin but whan it is layde in luke warme water than it is so glad that it stretcheth hym selfe a broade” (Andrewe 43). While the original conflates the hyrax with the hedgehog, and while Andrewe, the English translator of The Noble Lyfe, says that it is “moche lyke an urchin” the textual description of the image still refers to it as a “Cirogrillus & Erinacius [that] is all one,” and the image is used to represent both.

As I see it, we are left with two possible scenarios. The first is that both woodcuts from Doesburg were chosen for their resemblance to cats, but only because the top figure in the second block resembled one. The lower figure included in Griffith’s Beware the Cat was included only because it was already on the block as paired with the topmost figure, and, thus, is incidental to the decision to include both cat-like figures. Such is Bonahue’s stance on the woodcut.

The second possibility, however, depends even more upon the text of William Baldwin’s Beware the Cat itself. The first and second figures can be taken for cats, but the third figure is supposed to be taken as a hedgehog despite the fact that the figure only somewhat resembles one. In the process of assembling the parts necessary for his “philter,” Gregory Streamer hunts and ultimately dissects a hedgehog. I will return to the significance of the hedgehog later, but first want to explore the significance of the first figure.

The Griffith edition’s first figure, described as a leopard in Doesburg’s books, depicts that large cat with a human-like face. The leopard in The Noble Lyfe is one of many instances in the same text where animals resemble if not directly contain parts of men. As I discussed in an earlier post, bestiaries like The Noble Lyfe that purportedly uphold the superiority of man over animals are constantly strained by not only their resemblance to man but also in the ways that man could use them. In this example, having the face of a human on the body of a cat-like creature exposes the blending and obfuscation of such a boundary. The tale of cats offered as an oration by Gregory Streamer frames its feline subjects through the experience of a human speaker. With the edition of the woodcut in the Griffith edition, however, the reader encounters the forms of animals immediately after reading the title page. Streamer’s oration, framing his felines through his own speech as he does, is, through this woodcut, first framed through depictions of non-human animals.

The same blurring of the boundaries between human and non-human animals occurs within William Baldwin’s Beware the Cat itself. As Streamer affirms “birds and beasts had reason as men… and in some points more” (Beware 6), hierarchical arrangement which separated man from beasts based on man as a rational animal could collapse and render them on an equal or even in some cases inferior footing. The “leopard” from The Noble Lyfe has the face of a man and the body of a beast and, over the course of Streamer’s oration, Baldwin challenges human presumption by creating an assembly of cats that have more rational order than Streamer’s own. I also contend, though I will not argue it here, that Streamer’s experiment “reduces” him to the level of beasts, and that the whole of Beware the Cat make the cats appear more “human” than its men, and man more beast-like than its cats.

Now I want to briefly return to the significance of the final figure in Griffith’s edition of Baldwin’s short fiction. As I mentioned previously, while there may be problems identifying that figure as a hedgehog, a hedgehog plays an important role in the course of Streamer’s oration. As we discover in the second part of Streamer’s narrative in Beware the Cat, a hedgehog becomes a main ingredient in Streamer’s “philter” concocted to allow him to hear the language of cats.

As Streamer begins to desire to “learn and understand” cats, he reports, “And calling to my mind that I had read in Albertus Magnus’ works a way how to be able to understand birds’ voices, I made no more to do, but sought in my library for the little book entitled De Virtutibus Animalium, etc., and greedily read it over” (Baldwin 24). Streamer consults the textual authority of Albertus Magnus, “when I came to ‘Si vis voces avium intelligere, etc.,’ Lord how glad I was. And when I had thoroughly marked the description of the medicine, and considered with myself the nature and power of everything therein and how and upon what it wrought, I devised thereby how, with part of those things and additions of other of like virtue and operation, to make a philter for to serve my purpose” (Baldwin 24).

Within the fiction, Streamer translates Albertus’ recipe, and then systematically manipulates the textual authority through “conjectures” to concoct a purgative meal, ear pillows, and “presciencial pills.” Working from the very textual authority that authorized both the narrator’s and Streamer’s initial interest in the possibility of the language and reason of cats, Steamer directly consults a recipe from Albertus Magnus’ Boke of Secretes, translating it in full within his oration, “If thou wilt understand… the voices of birds or of beasts, take two in thy company, and upon Simon and Jude’s day early in the morning, get thee with hounds into a certain wood, and the first beast that thou meetest take, and prepare with the heart of a fox, and thou shalt have they purpose; and whosoever thou kissest shall understand them as well as thyself” (Baldwin 25)[i]. After translating Albertus in full, Streamer proceeds to reveal how he manipulated textual authority in pursuit of his experiment.

Streamer does not rely solely upon textual authority as says,

But conjecturing that the beast which they should take was an hedgehog (which at that time of year goeth most abroad), and knowing by reason of the flesh thereof was by nature full of natural heat—and therefore, the principal parts being eaten, must needs expulse gross matters and subtile the brain (as by the like powder it engendereth fine blood and helpeth much both against the gout and the cramp. (Baldwin 25-26)[ii].

I will leave discussing this for a later post, but Streamer’s “conjecture” serves as an important interpretive crux in Streamer’s quest and in Baldwin’s fiction. Streamer’s attempt to “expulse gross matters and subtile the brain” ultimately work within the world of Baldwin’s fiction, but the text also reveals the connections and tensions inherent in what I call the paramaterial construction of the mind. For now, I simply want to suggest that the hedgehog plays a key role in Streamer’s experiment and in Baldwin’s fiction. By placing a hedgehog on the verso of the title page, the Griffith edition might key its reader in to a significant detail in the following fiction.

Nearly every critic of Beware the Cat glosses over its second part in favor of the meta-fictional game Baldwin plays frame his narrative in the first part and/ or the collection of beast fables offered in the third and the anti-Catholic sentiments revealed throughout. I contend, although I will need to argue this in a separate post, that the second part of Streamer’s oration plays a complicated game in its deployment and satire of contemporary natural philosophy, and that Baldwin’s Beware the Cat uses contemporary natural philosophy to build in at least two competing explanations of why Streamer’s “experiment” works within the world of Baldwin’s fiction. The hedgehog stands at the center of Streamer’s philter, becoming a main ingredient in his concoction that will puncture the tympanum separating human and non-human worlds.

The conflicted status of the hedgehog in the “philter” Streamer partially constructs from it helps to expose how Beware the Cat complicates the boundary between beast and human as it reveals, in Michel de Montaigne’s terms, “human intellectual pretentions” as frauds. Despite the fact that we will receive a text primarily delivered from the mouth of a central human character, the woodcut underscores that despite the learned human discourse contained within, it, and the human pretention that constructs it, places those discourses at the level of beasts. Even if the third figure is not included because it was supposed to be taken as a hedgehog, the woodcut frames what turns out to be a human oration through the figures of non-human animals.

Again, while the convoluted transmission and circulation of woodcuts proves neither that they had any intended relation to the content of Beware the Cat nor that their inclusion was authorized by Baldwin, examining their relation to the tradition of the bestiary, especially one as peculiar as The Noble Lyfe, exposes the tensions inherent in a tradition that was beginning to feel the need to shore up the hierarchy separating man from beast as well as the problems of authority both of which are central to Beware the Cat.

Regardless of the meaning behind Griffith’s addition of these three figures to Baldwin’s short fiction, I do think there is enough evidence to assert definitively that the figures Griffith prints on the verso of the title page to his edition of Beware the Cat derive from Jan von Doesburg’s editions of Der Dieren Palleys and The Noble Lyfe. While it might just be a way for Griffith to increase the marketability of his edition, their inclusion construct an intertextual bridge between Baldwin’s satire and the discourses of natural philosophy in general and of bestiaries in particular.

 

 

 

 

Bibliography

Andrewe, Laurence. An Early English Version of Hortus Sanitatis. London: Bernard Quaritch Ltd., 1954.

Baldwin, William. Beware the Cat: The First English Novel. San Marino, CA: Huntington Library Press, 1995.

A Marvelous Hystory intitulede, Beware the Cat. London: Wylliam Gryffith, 1570.

Bodonius, Stephanus. The Fortresse of Fayth. Trans. Edward Crane. London: Wylliam Griffith, 1570

Bonahue, Edward T. “”I Know the Place and the Persons”: The Play of Textual Frames in Baldwin’s “Beware the Cat”.” Studies in Philology (Summer, 1994): 283-300.

Ko, Trudy. “Backdating the First Edition of William Baldwin’s Beware the Cat Nine Years.” Notes and Queries (2009) 56(1): 33-34.

Montagnana, Bartolomeo. Hortus sanitatis, vel Tractatus de herbis et plantis, de animalibus omnibus et de lapidibus: Tractatus de urinis ac earum speciebus. Johannes Pruess, 1497.


[i] Streamer accurately translates the passage from the Latin edition of Albertus’ Liber Secretorum de Virtutibus Herbarum, Lapidum et Animalium of 1486 rather than the English translation of The Boke of Secretes.

[ii] According to William Bullein’s Bulwarke of Defence, Streamer would probably be incorrect about the “natural heat” of the hedgehog, since “Tese beastes be of cold nature, better for medicine than meate” (Bullein lxxx verso), but they are prescribed for cramps by Pliny, “In contractions of the sinews, it is good to eat the flesh of stock-doves, especially if the same hath bin poudered and kept in salt. The flesh likewise of an Hedgehog is as good for crampes and spasms: as also the ashes of a Weazil” (Holland and Pliny 392). I will return to the significance of the hedgehog in a later post on the natural science of Beware the Cat, but for now want to stress that in general, Streamer’s understanding that “hot things purge the heat” does follow contemporary natural philosophy, and that he does ultimately combine his hedgehog with many other ingredients including many herbs and other ingredients that are “hot.” Despite Streamer’s misguided “conjectures” he does work from a textual authority as the basis of his “experiment” and ultimately produces a “philter” that works. I will return to two different reasons why Baldwin includes this tension in a separate post.

 

 

 

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Posted in Tangents, William Baldwin Tagged bestiaries, Beware the Cat, book history, early modern, sources, William Baldwin, woodcuts 3 Comments

“And as imagination bodies forth/ The forms of things unknown”: Why the “Paramaterial Phantasy”?

While studying mind models available in the early modern period, I noticed an unusual confluence of supposed “influences” on the mind that generate paradoxical aspects within medieval and early modern constructions of the Imagination or the Phantasy. These paradoxes reveal a Phantasy that resembles but differs from our ordinary contemporary understanding of the imagination. For this reason, although sometimes referred to as the imagination within early modern popular treatises, I deploy the term Phantasy to signify the differences between our own constructions of the imagination and early modern ones. In 1928, Murray Wright Bundy’s book-length archeology of the faculty, The Theory of Imagination in Classical and Medieval Thought, argued that specters of the Romantic Imagination appear towards the end of the Renaissance, but his study halts with Dante, who, Bundy argues, approximates the Romantic conception in the Divine Comedy. Since Bundy, scholars have attempted very few comprehensive studies of the faculty, and our own understanding of its function continues to be colored through the lens of the Romantic Imagination. Romantic era conceptions cast long shadows that continue to color our notion of the faculty as detached both from “reality’ as well as from the mechanics and materiality of the brain itself.

Despite key differences, scholars often speak of the internal and external senses as if the experience of those senses were not, in part, culturally constructed and experienced differently by different cultures. Characteristically, we still discuss the early modern imagination as if it was a disembodied faculty despite the pre- and early modern insistence that it primarily functioned to retain sensory inputs which were characteristically and securely linked to corporeality. In ordinary language, we continue to reify the boundaries between the imagination and materiality and between imagination and reason. My project reveals an early modern Phantasy that served as a central point of mediation between the soul and the body, between the external and internal senses, between the material and spiritual worlds, and among perceivers and the material and spiritual worlds. While post-Lacanian scholarship recognizes the importance of the imagination and the imaginary in the very constitution of our perceived “realities,” Romanticism’s shadow persists.

Descartes' sensory system separates the mechanics of the body from mental agency.

Descartes’ sensory system separates the mechanics of the body from mental agency.

The early modern period, however, while gesturing towards the boundaries between the imagination and reason, and between imagination and materiality built upon classical ideas reinterpreted through the lens of Christianity. In these models, the gap between materiality and the imagination is much narrower than with the Romantic Imagination growing out of Cartesian mind-body dualism. I would argue that the early modern construction of the sensitive soul, as received through Late Medieval Scholasticism, represented more of a continuum from body to mind to soul than in later theories that stressed a mind-body gap. While we can detect a soul-body dualism in early modern discourses, the sensitive soul was positioned between them, providing for an interface between the potentially distinct realms.

The sensitive soul as depicted in The Noble Lyfe & Natures of Man.

The sensitive soul as depicted in The Noble Lyfe & Natures of Man.

The sensitive soul, which Scholasticism ascribed to all animals, included three mental faculties. The sensitive soul consisted of the Phantasy or Imagination, the Reason or the Understanding, and Memory. While often separable from the intellectual or rational soul, which Scholasticism ascribed exclusively to humans, the human sensitive soul played a role in processing sensory data into a form that could interface with the intellectual soul. In many popular accounts, the sensitive soul and its faculties served as the dominant model of mind even as they moved towards a re-articulation of those faculties. The intellectual soul, at times, became identified with the faculty of reason, but even materialized accounts of reason suggested a need for the more material sensitive data acquired by the senses to be dematerialized and abstracted to interface with the immaterial intellectual soul or the Christian soul itself. Thomistic theories of the senses, deriving from Aristotle, became central to the Catholic Church’s explanations of the Eucharist and of the relationship of the body to the soul. While Protestants like Martin Luther and Jean Calvin expressed anxiety over the Aristotelian inheritances and their role in establishing and explaining Catholic beliefs and practices, the sixteenth century did not have a real alternative to Aristotle when it came to mental models.

On the side of materiality, early modern Phantasies remained attached to matter through Galen’s legacy. Galenic humoralism allowed early modern physicians like Andre Du Laurens to explain fantastical illusions through melancholy’s tendency to “color” not only the faculty itself but also the very “spirits” of the brain. As products of the body and as the apex of a series of hierarchized “refinements” of bodily fluids, the “spirits” of the mind could still be “tainted” or “colored” by melancholy. Melancholy’s influence on the brain and its spirits could generate “dark” shapes or thoughts or shape perception in a way divorced from “reality.” Even earlier, the physician Johann Weyer attributed for many types of witchcraft phenomena to melancholy’s influence, offering a material explanation for seemingly immaterial phenomena.

On yet another level, the early modern Phantasy remained linked to matter in a way typically less acknowledged by early modern scholarship. The Phantasy also served as a bridge between the external world and the space of the mind. The legacy of the sensible species acquired by the external senses and passed on to the internal senses had not entirely disappeared. While I will not go into the complications of the species’ legacy in this post, natural philosophers explained the relationship of extra-mental and intra-mental objects through the reception of sensible species which they often described as “stamping” or “impressing” themselves upon the matter of the sense organs as well as in the matter of the brain’s “spirits.” The mediating species provided a material explanation of ordinary perception, but the Phantasy mediated their reception in a perceiver. The Phantasy and its “spirits” were paradoxically both material and spiritual, and, since the intellectual or rational soul as well as the soul itself remained closer to the immaterial, theorists argued that the faculty of the Phantasy converted the more material sensible species into an intellectual species which could be better received by Reason and the soul itself. The Phantasy, positioned between the material body and the immaterial or spiritual soul, mediated and paradoxically took part in both natures. For this reason, I have chosen to describe this faculty as well as spirits “paramaterial” since it expresses continuums between body and soul, an among perceivers and the spiritual and physical worlds.

Medieval and early modern constructions of the Phantasy, however, were haunted by specters of the faculty not typical of classical Aristotelianism or Galenic humoralism. In addition to receiving impressions from the external senses and mediating between the material and immaterial realms of body and mind soul, the Phantasy also accessed the divine and demonic realms. The early modern Phantasy, many witchcraft treatises tell us, are particularly vulnerable to the influence of angels and demons. Visions and other divinely inspired perception, and delusions or other demonically inspired illusions had the Phantasy as a special conduit. While physicians like Johann Weyer might challenge the vulnerability of the Phantasy by explaining aberrant phenomena through Galenic humoralism, even Weyer did not go so far as to deny the devil’s ability to alter and affect perception. Instead, he suggested that most phenomena attributed to witchcraft and devils could be explained through Galenic medicine, leaving open the possibility of true spiritual influence. Weyer, and the English Reginald Scot who followed Weyer, do not deny supernatural influence upon the Phantasy, but found themselves targets of James Stuart’s ire when James published his Daemonologie in 1597. For James, Weyer and Scot’s material explanations not only denied supernatural or spiritual influences on the faculty, but also denied the presence of a soul altogether. While James mischaracterizes both Weyer and Scot, James reveals the perceived danger overly material accounts of the Phantasy and of witchcraft phenomena offered.

Tensions between the two characteristics of the Phantasy emerge from James’ hyperbolic shaping of Weyer and Scot to reveal the central paradox found in representations of the early modern Phantasy. On the one hand, it remained connected to the material body and world. On the other hand, it remained connected to the spiritual and supernatural realms, including, but not limited to, the individual soul. This central paradox leads me to shape a new term to describe popular accounts of the early modern Phantasy as paramaterial. The paramaterial Phantasy exposes the paradoxical resolution and cultural tensions emergent in early modern popular representations of the mind. As materialist Galenic accounts of mental phenomena, witchcraft, and aberrant perception increased, others, like James, worried that such accounts trapped the perceiver within a perimaterial mind, closed off from the spiritual realm which denied the soul altogether.

Furthermore, the term paramaterial underscores the permeability and porousness of early modern perceivers, whose bodies, minds, and souls remained, by popular account, much more intimately bound up not only with the material world but also with the spiritual world. As I will discuss more extensively in a later post, the external senses, receiving the “impressions” of sensible species from the material world’s objects expressed the continuity between a perceiver and her world. While the Phantasy’s task was to abstract those impressions into intelligible species, the faculty was tasked with the ability to interface with the material, the mental, and the spiritual realms. While Galenic accounts of aberrant perception and psychology might be perceived as a threat to this porousness and permeability, the door of the paramaterial Phantasy remained open to the visiting demons and angels which could populate and shape the contents of a paramaterial mind.

The picture that emerges from investigating the paramaterial Phantasy paints an early modern perceiver not as a closed off subject but as a node interconnected with sensible and spiritual realities. While developing towards the profound separation of mind and body found in Cartesian dualism, early modern representations of the mind expressed their correlation, but that correlation extended outside the individual and towards the world, remaining open and permeable to the forces of the natural and supernatural worlds. In developing the concept of the paramaterial, I hope to build upon and complicate the historical phenomenological projects that have been most recently popularized by scholars like Gail Kern Paster and others to develop a more vivid picture of early modern phenomenology that accounts not only for the interconnectedness of mind and body but also for representations of perceivers more intimately connected to the external and spiritual worlds.

Even more recently, cognitive studies following Mary Thomas Crane’s Shakespeare’s Brain apply contemporary insights from neuroscience to bear on the early modern world, developing insightful and new avenues into the early modern world. The lens of modern neuroscience provides insight into the ways in which early moderns thought and into how they constructed their own artistic productions, but cognitive studies often myopically focuses on our own contemporary constructions of the mind without attending to the ways in which early moderns constructed and shaped their own sense of the mind. These culturally contingent constructions of the mind, to an extent, expose our own cultural blind spots and the relativity of the very models cognitive studies deploy for their re-evaluations of early modern texts and culture.

While modern neuroscience provides a perspective on the early modern period otherwise unavailable, so, too, do the various ways in which early moderns shaped their sense of themselves. In a few ways, some developments in modern neuroscience resemble, through the distorted mirror of anachronistic application, bring us back toward recognitions available from within early modern popular culture itself. Advancements in pharmacology and in understanding the material matter of the brain gesture towards suturing the division between mind and body developing out of Cartesian dualism. In this respect, our fears of biological determinism and anxieties that “mind” might be an illusion generated by a material organ, the brain, find themselves reflected “darkly” in the mirror of early modern anxieties that materialist insights into witchcraft phenomena might endanger the soul. The recent discovery of “mirror neurons” fracture the glass wall erected between the individual and the world set in place as a boundary between self and others, but such fracturing of the boundaries between self and world emerge, in a refracted way, through the ways in which early moderns explained the porousness and permeability of a perceiver through their own shaping of the sensory system and the paramaterial Phantasy.

At the same time, exploring cultural constructions of the senses and of the mind reveal how differently those similar anxieties emerge and are resolved. Early modern natural philosophers and theorists, approaching the mind by compounding classical and Christian authorities, do not seem as ready to collapse soul and mind in quite the same way as some are willing to do today. The “mind,” or at least a portion of the mind, the sensitive soul, remained simultaneously both material and immaterial while the Christian soul retained its immateriality. The sensitive soul, especially its faculty of the Phantasy, interfaced between the two, partaking in aspects of one another’s nature. While paradoxically and perhaps impossibly bridging the gaps between body and soul, and materiality and immateriality, soul-body dualism and a soul-body problem emerge instead of the mind-body dualism and mind-body problem that would soon develop in thinkers like Descartes.

Tracing the contours of early modern mind maps and the topography of the shifting ways in which those early moderns shaped their sense of sense, reveals new roads to understanding some otherwise baffling conventions of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. From Protestant iconophobia, to concerns over cross-dressing and “performance,” to explanations of the affective potentials of fiction and love, the ways in which early moderns shaped sense have broad and powerful implications and explanatory potential, informing aspects of early modern popular culture and life. Recognizing the cultural contingency of these earlier theories of mind and the senses acknowledges that the sense of sense and the sense of perception and thought itself do not remain historically constant, exposing how the shaping of sense shapes our notions of our own sense of the world, of others, of thought, of perception, of spirituality, and of our very sense of ourselves.

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Posted in Shaping Sense Tagged cultural studies, early modern, history of science, imagination, paramaterial, renaissance, senses 1 Comment

“Objet petit a”: More Senseshaper Woodcuts from the Void. Enjoy!

After a long period in which I let this blog grow fallow, you get two posts in one day! As I sat down to finish up my earlier post on Ficino and the material, mutual gaze, I realized that I have made some woodcuts since my last woodcut post that never made their way from the material of print into the immaterial space of the digital world.

My first was inspired by Slavoj Žižek’s reading of Coke’s famous slogan “Coke is It!” I trust that in this treatment I have finally grasped the objet petit a. Enjoy!

Objet Petit a woodcut “Enjoy!” by senseshaper and inspired by Slavoj Zizek

Additionally, I have continued my quest to #DedigitizeTheArchive by producing more copies of early modern woodcuts.

The first is a copy of William Caxton’s printer’s device.

William Caxton’s printers device as copied by senseshaper

In addition to my project to copy early modern printer’s devices, I have also continued in my quest for a full set of modern copies of Aretino’s “I Modi” or Sixteen Postures. I have now finished Posture 11 and Posture 4. My copies are based on sixteenth century pirated woodcut copies of mostly lost engravings by Marcantonio Raimondi which were in turn based on lost works by Guilio Romano. Copies of copies of copies of sexual acts all in search of the object petit a.

Aretino’s I Modi’s Posture 11 woodcut copy after Marcantonio Raimondi by senseshaper

Aretino’s I Modi’s Posture 4 woodcut copy after Marcantonio Raimondi by senseshaper

To prove that I didn’t only make woodcut porn, I also made a woodcut of Nick Offerman’s Ron Swanson.

A senseshaper woocut portrait of Nick Offerman/ Ron Swanson, “Bully for You.”

Relatedly, 2016 was the Year of the Cub, and, as a Cubs fan, I couldn’t let that fantastic season go by without memorializing it in woodcut.

Chicago Cubs woodcut after their 1908 symbol by senseshaper

I also decided to make a woodcut of the University of Virginia’s Rotunda.

University of Virginia (UVA) Rotunda woodcut by senseshaper

And the last one produces a little pain to post. I made it during the 2016 primary in support of doomed candidate Bernie Sanders.

Bernie Sanders woodcut by senseshaper

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Posted in Silly Things, Scholarship, #WoodcutWednesday, woodcuts Tagged Caxton, I Modi, Zizek, sixteen postures, Ron Swanson, bully for you, woodcut, Nick Offerman, senseshaper, Chicago Cubs, UVA, Aretino, University of Virginia, Marcantonio Raimondi, Rotunda, Objet petit a

“Double bewitchment”: Love-Beams, the Mutual Gaze, and the Interpenetrating Visions of Marsilio Ficino’s De Amore

I have been arguing for a medieval and early modern paramaterial phantasy which paradoxically positioned the phantasy and its spirits somewhere between the material and the immaterial, and between the body and the soul. In this post, I want to explore Marsilio Ficino’s Neoplatonic construction of love in his De Amore (On Love) to further develop not only the seemingly materialist leanings of its explanatory system but also to expose some of the consequences of this paradoxical positioning of the Renaissance eye for theorizing not only the early modern paramaterial gaze but also the interactions of subjects and objects.1

Marsilio Ficino in detail of Angel Appearing to Zacharias by Domenico Ghirlandaio [Public domain], via Wikimedia Commons2

While Ficino, like many of the theorists of the time, denies the transfer of material in the process of vision, we will see how Ficino grants the process some level of materiality while working out the details in other explanatory registers.3 It is this quasi-materiality that I am calling paramaterial, and this paramateriality slightly shifts the ground upon which theories of vision operate in the period when compared to our own. Rather than the profound gap we find between subjects and objects in modern theories of vision, we see, in the mirror of history, the mirage of a theory that allows for more reciprocity in the gaze. This reciprocity involves a quasi-material interchange between subjects and objects that break down the modern barriers erected between subjects and objects, between the world and the observer.

We tend to think of the modern gaze as a sadistic “male gaze.” At least since Laura Mulvey’s “Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema,” we see that gaze as implicated in gendered mechanisms of power where the beholder maintains the power in a relationship steeped in sadism. As Mulvey has it,

In a world ordered by sexual imbalance, pleasure in looking has been split between active/male and passive/female. The determining male gaze projects its phantasy on to the female figure which is styled accordingly. In their traditional exhibitionist role women are simultaneously looked at and displayed, with their appearance coded for strong visual and erotic impact so that they can be said to connote to-be-looked-at-ness. (837).

While exaggerated in the case of the images projected upon the cinematic screen, many following Mulvey use her discussion of scopophilia in a more generalized sense, equating the sadistic male gaze with activity and the female with passivity.

In an article on John Milton, “Rethinking Voyeurism and Patriarchy: The Case of Paradise Lost,” Regina Schwartz challenges the sadism of the gaze asking, “What is gained by seeing specularity as sadistic? Why not understand the spectator as implicated in a mode of looking and in a series of looks that do not polarize power and that do not empower anyone sadistically?” (92). To prove this, Schwartz maps the networks of looks in Milton’s Paradise Lost, exposing the complicated nature of voyeurism in Milton’s epic.

Schwartz draws on the work of French theorist Jacques Lacan to challenge the notion of the sadistic male gaze. Lacan explains the reciprocity involved in the gaze, exposing the ways in which the beholder is always already the beholden. Such a system is best exemplified in his famous example of the sardine can in which challenges the one-directionality of the gaze. While out on a fishing expedition, a fisherman, Petit-Jean, sees a sardine can floating on the waves, joking, “You see that can? Do you see it? Well, it doesn’t see you!” Lacan is unamused by Petit-Jean’s joke since,

If what Petit-Jean said to me, namely, that the can did not see me, had any meaning, it was because in a sense, it was looking at me all the same. It was looking at me at the level of the point of light, the point at which everything that looks at me is situate—and I am not speaking metaphorically. (Lacan 95).

As Schwartz notes, Lacan stresses the reciprocity of the gaze. We will see how Ficino’s representation of love beams includes a culturally and historically contingent reciprocal gaze in its own right. I will explore the theories of vision and the physical eye to show the tendency in the late medieval and early modern periods to develop a notion of the reciprocal gaze.
Lacan argues against the connection of the physical eye and the gaze, but, to my knowledge, no one has really theorized how different conceptions of vision might alter the theories of both. While I will not address the differing theories of the mechanics of vision in this post, I will turn to Ficino’s representation of the visual process in developing feelings of love. 4 By explaining the greater level of theorized interaction between the looker and the looked at, the beholder and the beholden, and, in a different register, between the subject and the object within a historical framework that accounts for the cultural contingency of our theories of and on perception, we will expose the material ways in which the boundaries between self and other were more open and penetrable.

Coming from a position of cultural construction complicates any direct application of modern theories to earlier periods. We can and should, of course, apply modern theories to earlier periods, and such analyses often lead to wonderful insights, but I also think pausing to account for the differences between our own and earlier periods can also lead to new ways of looking at older texts and worlds. While there has always been a degree of separation between reality and perception, too quickly jumping to modern theories of vision and coming from modern presuppositions regarding the operation of optics eclipses some of the interesting ways in which medieval and early moderns situate an observer in her world and the ways in which reciprocity is found in the mechanisms of the gaze.

To trace this reciprocity and the material or paramaterial quality within Ficino’s treatment of sight and love, we must first turn to the hierarchy of loves that he pulls from Plato. Ficino follows Plato in dividing heavenly and vulgar loves, but Ficino claims that both originate with the sense of sight. As he says, “…every love begins with sight. But the love of the contemplative man ascends from sight to intellect. That of the voluptuous man descends from sight to touch” (Ficino 119).5 For Ficino, vulgar love descends from sight to touch, while heavenly love moves upwards from sight to contemplation. While Ficino emphatically denies the transmission of material in sight, he here places it between touch and contemplation. Sight is a path that descends or ascends depending upon the subject of love. As such, sight is granted a status that hovers between immaterial thought and material touch.6

Nestling sight between thought and touch grants it a special relationship to both. Sight either leads to materiality or to immaterial thought. As we will see, however, Ficino’s explanatory model additionally grants vision a status that takes part in both natures. In this positioning, Ficino reflect the paradoxical situation of sight in common late medieval and early modern theories of the senses that denied the materiality of vision while simultaneously affording it very material qualities and explanations.

By the late medieval and early modern period, most explanations of sight had abandoned the extramission theory of vision in favor of intramission. Ficino’s theory of vision differs, however, from many popular theories of the early modern period in that he maintains an extramissive theory of vision generally.

[Berger extravagant. English] The extravagant shepherd: or, The history of the shepherd Lysis7

Ficino, unlike many late medieval and early modern theorists, uses the extramission model (where rays and spirits are projected from the eye and into the world instead of moving from the world to the eye) for all types of vision.8 In describing the visual “spirits,” Ficino reveals that he believes vision operates by the eye sending out its visual rays and spirits from the eye to the objects of perception. Of the young, he says,

…the spirits at this age are thin and clear, warm and sweet. For since these are generated from the purer blood by the heart of the heart, they are always the same in us as the humor of the blood. But, just as this vapor of the spirits is produced from the blood, so also it itself sends out rays like itself through the eyes, which are like glass windows… Certainly the spirit, since it is very light, flies out most to the highest parts of the body, and its light shines out more copiously through the eyes since they themselves are transparent and the most shining of all the parts. (159).

While Ficino states that the extramissionist model operates for all types of vision, even those who held the more conventional intramissionist account similarly made exceptions for “love beams” and the “evil eye” where they claimed that the eye could make ejaculations.9

While his extramissionist account was not standard, some of the bases upon which his theory of vision depended are fairly typical. Such is the case with his theory of the visual spirits. This passage reveals the importance of the visual spirits and their relation to the somatic. Like the vital spirits in general, the visual spirits occupy a paradoxical position somewhere between body and soul since they had conference with each. Though generated from material by processes of refinement in the heart, they also became so thin and “light” that they became almost immaterial. It is this paradoxical quality that I am calling paramaterial, and, while placed in an impossible position, served as a lynchpin that helped hold together the otherwise radical gap between the body and the soul.

Not only is there a paramaterial transfer of something through vision in terms of the blood in love beams, but Ficino also says, “when the figure of some body meets the eye, and through the eyes penetrates into the spirit, if that figure, on account of the preparation of its matter, corresponds closely to the figure which the divine Mind contains the Idea of the thing, it immediately pleases the soul since it corresponds to those Reasons which both our intellect and our power of procreation preserve as copies of the thing itself, and which were originally received divinely.” (119).

For Ficino, these visual spirits continually emit from the eye towards the objects of their perception, and, given their paramaterial status, operate as both material and immaterial simultaneously. The objects which the eye acquire are similarly situated. Though, as I have said, Ficino and others explicitly maintain that the eye does not receive any “material” from the object, the objects themselves are thought to undergo a process of de-materialization that allows them to interact with the soul despite their paramaterial nature and origin.

In his theory of vulgar love, however, it is not simply the paramateriality of the objects of perception and thought that link the world to the observer, the beloved to the lover. Because of the quasi-material nature of the visual spirits, Ficino affords them another level of materiality in the production of love beams which has additional physiological consequences.
Ficino continues later,

The fact that a ray which is sent out by the eyes draws with it a spiritual vapor, and that this vapor draws with it blood, we observe from this, that bleary and red eyes, by the emission of their own ray, force the eyes of a beholder nearby to be afflicted with a similar disease. This shows that the ray extends as far as that person opposite, and that along with the ray emanates a vapor of corrupt blood, by the contagion of which the eye of the observer is infected. (160).

Ficino’s model of vision is always extromissionist, and, although he claims nothing “material” enters or leaves the eyes, the fact that this spirit is refined from the blood, and, since he discusses those with “corrupt” spirits and eyes, they take on a more material aspect due to the fact that the vapors are not as refined as they might otherwise be. Due to this corruption, the blood and spirits of the gazer can infect the “person opposite.”

Far from a simple equation of the gaze with the “sadistic male gaze,” we find, in this model, a reciprocal gaze. In order for this theory to work, both poles in this exchange of glances are looking at one another, the rays and spirits of both looker and looked at are exchanged and merge. It is not simply a case of a sadistic looker as subject with a passive object, the object of the look is also a subject of the look.

This reciprocal gaze becomes clearer when Ficino explains this operation further. He says,

…What wonder is it if the eye, wide open and fixed upon someone, shoots the darts of its own rays into the eyes of the bystander, and along with those darts, which are the vehicles of the spirits, aims that sanguine vapor which we call spirit? Hence the poisoned dart pierces through the eyes, and since it is shot from the heart of the shooter, it seeks again the heart of the man being shot, as its proper home; it wounds the heart, but in the heart’s hard back wall it is blunted and turns back into blood. This foreign blood, being somewhat foreign to the nature of the wounded man, infects his blood. The infected blood becomes sick. Hence follows a double bewitchment. (160).

The visual spirits, refined from the blood of the observer, enter into the eyes of the observed, and find their way through his eyes, into his heart, and into his blood. But the process is one of “double bewitchment” and one of a reciprocal or mutual gaze, since it is the meeting of eyes that allows for this. The meeting of eyes and their spirits provides for intersubjective penetration and, possibly, corruption. Strict binaries between observer and observed, looker and looked at, and subject and object break down and are reversed in this act of the mutual gaze.
The theory of vulgar love expressed in Ficino positions looking with its transfer of bodily material and fluids at the level of the sexual act. Looking, in the case of love-beams, becomes a reversal of the sexual process in which the looker is penetrated and, in a sense, impregnated by the look of the other.

We are not dealing with an image projected on a screen, whether that screen is the cinematic or the retinal screen. Instead, we have an image that has some autonomy which enters, along with the blood, into the body of the beholder.

The link between such love-beams and sexual activity is not solely metaphorical, as the processes involved in each resemble one another in ways that might not be immediately apparent. The mixing or mingling of blood and spirit at the level of the eye produces small images within the blood and spirit of the lover, impregnating him with the image of the beloved. He is filled with the image, infected with an outside substance that fills it and then becomes joined with it.

This model should give us pause when we too readily accept the tendency to see the male gaze as placed in the positions of sadist and subject. Here, we find a mutual gaze in which the gazes cross paths and interpenetrate. The positions of observer and observed, subject and object reverse and disappear. Both are locked in an exchange of looks in which power dynamics are continually in flux.

While Lacan may warn us about equating the eye with the gaze, looking at Ficino’s theories of vision and of love beams show us that examining earlier theories of vision can challenge our own cultural assumptions about the male gaze. It is important to remember that for Lacan, too, the gaze and the look was always already a mutual rather than a one sided affair. In his famous example of the “sardine can,” Lacan problematizes the question of subject and object, observer and observed. This mutuality and reciprocity found in Ficino’s theory of love-beams do the same, but on a slightly ground.

That said, Ficino’s explanation of the theory is not without the taint of misogyny. In order to “prove” his model of extramissive vision and the material component of that process, he refers, as was a commonplace, to the idea that women during menstruation could stain mirrors by looking at them. As Ficino has it,

Aristotle writes that women, when the menstrual blood flows down, often soil a mirror with bloody drops by their own gaze. This happens, I think, from this: that the spirit, which is a vapor of the blood, seems to be a kind of blood so thin that it escapes the sight of the eyes, but becoming thicker on the surface of a mirror, it is clearly observed. If this falls on some less dense material, such as cloth, or wood, it is not seen, for the reason that it does not remain on the surface of the thing but sinks into it. If it falls on something dense but rough, such as stones, bricks, and the like, because of the roughness of that body it is dissipated and broken up. But a mirror, on account of its hardness, stops the spirit on the surface; on account of its brightness it aids and increases the spirit’s own ray; on account of its cold, it forces its very fine mist into droplets. (160).

By drawing upon accounts of menstrual women spotting mirrors, Ficino falls back on a misogynistic anxiety over the “leaky” female body, but this explanation also reinforces the intersubjective power involved in the gaze that emerges from the “double bewitchment.” At the same time, such a model calls into question the too easy collapsing of the looker with a sadistic male gaze since the model itself depends upon mutuality and reciprocity.

We also see, from this example, how blurry the line between material and immaterial can become when medieval and early moderns explain not only the spirits, but also the process of vision, and, I would argue, the objects of perception. The visual and vital spirits lay somewhere between materiality and immateriality, a position I am calling the paramaterial. The blood is refined to the point of being an invisible vapor, but it is one that can condense back into blood. Such an explanation not only applies to menstruating women who might have corrupt blood and hence spirits, but to all forms of vision since even the purer visual or vital spirits occupy the same position in the system.

The visual spirits, like the vital spirits, occupy a paramaterial space, but they also link the observer and the observed in a cycle of interpenetration that might go unrecognized without fully exploring contemporary theories of the visual process. Interestingly, Ficino primarily uses mutual male looks to further explain the “double bewitchment” of the mutual exchange of the gaze, but also extends it to account for the misogynistic theories about the effects of menstruating women upon the eyes of a beholder. He continues,

The sight of a stinking old man or a woman suffering her period bewitches a boy. The sight of a young man bewitches an older man. But since the humor of an older man is cold and very slow, it hardly reaches the back of the heart in the boy, and ill-fitted for passing across, moves the heart entirely too little, unless on account of infancy it is very tender. Therefore this is a light bewitchment.
But that bewitchment is very heavy by which a young man transfixes the heart of an older man. It is this, distinguished friends, which the Platonist Apuleius, complains about:
For me, he says, you yourself are alone the whole cause and origin of my present pain, but also the cure itself and my only health. For those eyes of yours gliding down through my eyes into my inmost heart, are producing a furious fire in my marrow. Therefore have mercy on him who is dying because of you. (160-161).

While what Apuleius says might be taken as metaphor, Ficino experiences it as a physiological process, as a felt experience. It is important to remember that some of what we take today as metaphors for lived experience, for Ficino and other thinkers of a similar vein, were decidedly not metaphorical. In this case, the spirits and the images they contain flow from the object to the perceiver’s very heart. The heart serves, like the mirror, as the surface upon which the vapors collect and condense, proving potentially infectious.

It is also important to note that the somatic processes Ficino describes also accounts for why different subjects are affected differently by various objects. Although they are engaged in a mutual look and while there is some reciprocity there, the weaker spirits and sight of an older man, for example, do not penetrate very far into the heart of a young boy. Such a system accounts for the various ways in which an object will act upon a subject, ignoring the variant phantasies of the subject. Ficino does not here address the influence of the phantasy on perception, opting instead for a purely physiological explanation.

While the gazes might not be equal, they maintain a reciprocity in this system. It is a theory of the gaze that depends on the mutual gaze, rather than one that is lopsided in favor of the active “subject.” At the same time, the “object” of sight produces within the observer a physical change, and can “infect” as well as “bewitch” in ways that further complicate the boundaries between subject and object, inside and outside.

One again finds blurred boundaries in yet another extended example of the love between men. His example deserves to be quoted at length:

Put before your eyes, I beg of you, Phaedrus the Myrrhinusian, and that Theban who was seized by love of him, Lysias the orator. Lysias gapes at the face of Phaedrus. Phaedrus aims into the eyes of Lysias sparks of his own eyes, and along with those sparks transmits also a spirit. The ray of Phaedrus is easily joined to the ray of Lysias, and spirit easily joined to spirit. This vapor produced by the heart of Phaedrus immediately seeks the heart of Lysias, through the hardness of which it is condensed and turns back into the blood of Phaedrus as before, so that now the blood of Phaedrus, amazing though it seems, is in the heart of Lysias. Hence each immediately breaks out into shouting: Lysias to Phaedrus: “O, my heart, Phaedrus, dearest viscera.” Phaedrus to Lysias: “O, my spirit, my blood, Lysias.” Phaedrus pursues Lysias because his heart desires his humor back. Lysias pursues Phaedrus because the sanguine humor requests its proper vessel, demands its own seat. But Lysias pursues Phaedrus more ardently. For the heart can more easily do without a very small particle of its humor than the humor itself can do without its proper heart. The stream needs the spring more than the spring needs the stream. Therefore, just as iron having received the quality of the lodestone is certainly drawn toward this stone, but does not attract the lodestone, so Lysias pursues Phaedrus more than Phaedrus pursues Lysias. (161).

The exchange of looks, for Ficino, involves the exchange of paramaterial spirits. The rays, containing these spirits flow from the eyes into the eyes and spirits of the other, all the way to the other’s heart. The reciprocal exchange in this double bewitchment blurs the boundaries of inside and outside, self and other, precisely because of the conjunction and penetration of the spirits into the body of the other. The process works in both directions, but does so without an equal balance. Lysias is more taken with Phaedrus than vice versa, but the exchange is still as mutual as the gaze.

The “Fancie” from Thomas Jenner’s A Work for none but angels & men. STC Wing D410.

The attraction that develops depends upon Ficino’s claim that the blood of Lysias and Phaedrus enters the other’s heart by way of the penetrating spirits. It is important to note that Ficino attends at this point to the exchange and intermingling of spirits and blood rather than focusing on the images that enter one another’s eyes. For some medieval and early modern theorists, the penetration of the image through the spirit and into the heart produces similar results, but Ficino invests his scenario with even more of a thoroughly physiological and material explanation, underscoring the notion of love (or at least vulgar love) as a type of infection.10

When Ficino later returns to the pair, he mentions the images impressed on the spirits and blood as they relate to the powerful alterations such an infection and double bewitchment produces. Not only has the mutual exchange of looks crossed intersubjective boundaries, challenging the distinction between self and other, it also supposedly produces changes that make the infected resemble the other. The lover “thinks about [his desires and pleasures] … vehemently and … constantly” (165), and as with pregnant women who think about certain things, according to Ficino, “the vehement thought moves the internal spirits and paints on them an image of the thing being thought about” (164). Even theorists who did not espouse an extramissionist account of vision or that focus on the exchange of blood between lovers often promote a similar idea that “images” can impress themselves on the “spirits” of the body. These images, like the spirits themselves, are paramaterial in nature, paradoxically being both material and immaterial.

These images impressed upon the spirits and the infecting blood produce alterations in the body of the perceiver or lover. The intersubjective potential of such a system of paramaterial exchange is only exaggerated by Ficino’ more wholly physiological explanation. To elaborate on this point, Ficino returns to Lysias and Phaedrus, where he says,

What wonder if the features are so firmly implanted and embedded in the breast by mere thought that they are imprinted on the spirit, and by the spirit are immediately imprinted on the blood? Especially since the very soft blood of Phaedrus has already been generated in the veins of Lysias, so that the face of Phaedrus can very easily be reflected in its own blood. But since all parts of the body, as they dry out every day, so they revive every day, having taken moisture from food, it follows that from day to day the body of each man which has gradually dried out is little by little restored. But the parts are restored by the blood flowing from the channels of the veins. Therefore will you be surprised if blood imprinted with a certain likeness has impressed that likeness on the parts of the body, so that eventually Lysias will seem to have become like Phaedrus in come colors, or features, or feelings, or gestures? (165).

The infecting spirits and blood also contain the “features” or “likeness” of the beloved, which, even as the body returns to normal, continues to leave a trace behind, altering the lover by transforming him, or aspects of him, into the beloved. The mutual exchange of looks between men serves to engender a pregnancy of the spirit in each. Blood of each materially enters the body and blood of the other, producing within the observer the offspring of the original’s image. The penetrating gaze produces a miniature image within the heart of the other. In the case of love beams, this interpenetration works in both directions even if one side might receive a stronger “impression.”

Ficino underscores the infectious nature of this process when he again describes the way one ultimately overcomes the erotic troubles that it produces. He says,

…The disquiet of lovers necessarily lasts as long as that infection of the blood, injected into the viscera through bewitchment, lasts; it presses the heart with heavy care, feeds the wound through the veins, and burns the members with unseen flames. For its passage is made from the heart into the veins, and from the veins into the members. When this infection is finally purged away, the disquiet of the erotics (or rather erratics) ceases. (167).

Though the process starts with a mutual gaze, it is simultaneously threatening and subversive. Such is the case for “vulgar love” that tends toward the bodily.
In conventional Renaissance Neoplatonic terms, vulgar love descends from sight to touch while divine love leads the lover to contemplations of beauty and the divine. Drawing on Plato’s discussion of the chariot and the charioteer from the Phaedrus, Ficino says,

For true love is nothing other than a certain effort of flying up to divine beauty, aroused by the sight of corporeal beauty. But adulterous love is a falling down from sight to touch. (172).

While there is an important distinction to be made between sight and touch, it should also be noted that the sight, as Ficino envisions it, it a type of touching—and not only a type of touching but also a penetration. The beloved penetrates the lover with not only his spirits and blood but also his image, producing alterations in the lover that can make him resemble the beloved. This visual touch might not be quite the same as a material touch, but it does reach deeper and has internal effects—it is a touching of the heart. This touching of the heart, as we have seen, is not entirely metaphorical. At least in Ficino, it has a quasi-material or, as I call it, a paramaterial force.

Although I do not have time to address it here, even without Ficino’s intensely physical description of the process of love and even without his extramissionist account of the visual process, the relationship between sight and touch in the medieval and early modern periods are much more closely aligned than they could be today. This is an aspect of the early modern gaze that critics might overlook if they too quickly jump to modern theories of the senses without recognizing their cultural contingency. This is not to say that Mulvey or Lacan are not applicable to these earlier periods, just that there is a need to nuance those uses by attending to the ways in which medieval and early moderns theorized their own senses of sense.

This brings us back to Regina Schwartz’s criticism of Mulvey, where, despite the fact that she does not attend in that essay to medieval and early modern theories of vision and love, we find common ground. In the gaze as theorized by Ficino, we find a mutual gaze, a meeting and intermingling of eyes, spirits, and blood. We find, not the sadistic male gaze where there is a clearly defined subject and object, but a mutual gaze that interpenetrates and crisscrosses psychic and material boundaries.

We find not only this mutual gaze, but also a perceiver and self that is more porous and permeable than the modern solipsistic self. The body and mind, world and perceiver are linked through material and paramaterial chains that cross physical and psychic boundaries. Such profound and uncrossable boundaries between self and world, and between self and others came later with the modern development of the self proper.

It could be argued that with Ficino’s emphasis on the “infectious” quality of the other’s gaze, that the borders of the body were more radically fixed. I would offer that the requisite policing of the boundaries of the body that so many commentators in the medieval and early modern period encourage depend, in large part, on the fact that the medieval and early modern body was more vulnerable precisely because of the porosity and permeability of those bodies. It was because the body had open channels to the outside world that the objects which they looked at had so much power and ability to penetrate.

With the modern insular self, the borders between body and mind were more rigid and impermeable, but we find a more open space in medieval and early modern theories. The same holds true for medievals and early moderns who did not, like Ficino, depend upon an extramissive model of vision more generally. The intromissive model was the norm, even in popular culture in the early modern period, but most still maintained that the eye “ejaculated” something in the cases of love-beams and the evil eye.11 The potential for intersubjective penetration exists even in many of the intromissive models, especially in cases of love-beams and the evil eye.

Though he sets out a very material account of the process of love and a physiological explanation of love-beams, Ficino, along with many others, denies the materiality of vision, but, as we have seen in his explanation of the process itself, it is an exaggerated form of what I see elsewhere in the period as paramateriality. Ficino’s main reason for denying the materiality involved in vision is because he wants to distance his own theory from that of the epicureans like Lucretius who explain vision through reference to eidolon or “little films” that are given off by the surface of objects and find their way to the eye. The images in this paramaterial system differ in that they are not wholly material entities like the eidolon and are, instead, quasi-material in nature. These pre-modern theories of vision reveal a self whose boundaries are not fixed and stable, and are in continual flux. Such a relationship with the world extends beyond intersubjective experiences like the ones we find in Ficino’s theory of love-beams, but applies equally to a subject’s relationship with the world. The paramaterial nature of the sense allows for a genuine engagement with the world. In the medieval and early modern periods it is not simply at the point of light that something like a sardine can looks at a subject, something of its essence can actually penetrate and alter the perceiving subject as it enters through the eyes, through the phantasy, and might penetrate all the way to the heart.12

    Bibliography

Ficino, Marsilio. Commentary on Plato’s Symposium on Love. Dallas, Tex: Spring Publications, 1994. Print.
Lacan, Jacques. The Four Fundamental Concepts of Psycho-Analysis. W. W. Norton & Company, 1998. Print
Mulvey, Laura. “Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema.” Braudy, Leo and Marshall Cohen. Film Theory and Criticism. Introductory Readings. New York: Oxford UP, 1999. 833-844. Print.
Schwartz, Regina. “Rethinking Voyeurism and Patriarchy: The Case of Paradise Lost.” Representations, No. 34 (Spring, 1991): 85-103. Print.

  1. For this post, I will be using and citing from Sears Jayne’s excellent translation of De Amore, Commentary on Plato’s Symposium on Love.  (back)
  2. Find details https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Marsilio_Ficino_-_Angel_Appearing_to_Zacharias_(detail).jpg  (back)
  3. The case for the non-materiality of vision and love appears clear cut from Ficino’s own explicit theoretical apparatus. For him, as for many others at the time, Aristotelian and Neoplatonic, vision did not involve the transfer of material from the world’s objects to the eye, trafficking solely in light. As Ficino puts it,

    …The beauty of any person pleases the soul not insofar as it lies in external matter, but insofar as an image of it is comprehended or grasped by the soul through the sight. That image cannot be a body, either in the sight or in the soul, since both of these are incorporeal. For in what way could the small pupil of the eye take in the whole heaven, so to speak, if it received it in a corporeal way? In no way, obviously. But the spirit receives in a point the entire breadth of a body, in a spiritual way and in an incorporeal image. The soul likes only that beauty which it has taken in. Though this beauty may be an image of an external body, it is nonetheless incorporeal in the soul. (Ficino 87–88).

    Ficino states that the eye does not take in any matter, but his criticism is really directed towards epicureans like Lucretius who claim that objects in the world emit eidolon which are “little films” given off by the surface of objects. The epicurean stance allows for more of a corporeal transfer in the process of vision, but as Ficino and many other detractors note, the “little films” are difficult to maintain because the eye would need to be able to take in the objects of the whole world. Ficino’s argument here, then, is more about the hypermaterial explanatory system of the epicureans, but while he emphasizes the immateriality of the process in this passage, he later, as we will see, draws upon material explanations to describe immaterial processes.

    Although his primary targets here are the epicureans, Ficino reiterates that the process is immaterial and corporeal when he says that the eye only takes in light. He says,

    [The shapes and colors of bodies] do not come to the eyes with their matter. Nevertheless it seems to be necessary that they be in the eyes in order to be seen by the eyes. And so the one light of the sun, imprinted with the colors and shapes of all the bodies illuminated by it, presents itself to the eyes. The eyes, with the help of a certain ray of their own, perceive the light thus imprinted: they see both the perceived light itself and all the things which are imprinted in it. Therefore this whole order of the world which is seen is perceived, not in the manner in which it exists in the matter of bodies, but in which it exists in the light infused into the eyes. Since in this light it is separated from matter, it is necessarily devoid of body. (90-91).

    Against the epicureans who argue that the matter from the surfaces of objects enters the eye through “little films,” Ficino claims they come to the eyes without a body because they are infused in light. At the same time, however, he uses very material terms to discuss this process. The shapes and colors of bodies are “imprinted” on both the light and the eye. So even though these “images” are “incorporeal,” Ficino uses very material language to discuss their transmission. As we will see, however, when Ficino moves to the standard account of the origins of vulgar love, the waters get even murkier.   (back)

  4. Please see my earlier posts on medieval and early modern eyes. You can find part one here, and part two here.  (back)
  5. It should be noted that Ficino claims there are five types of love in man, the first two inspired by demons and the other three by the passions. He still, however, maintains the distinction between heavenly and vulgar love as found in Plato.  (back)
  6. Such an arrangement is typical of theories of vision in the period. See my previous post on the imagination in Petrarch here.  (back)
  7. From the Folger Library’s excellent Luna site, found here: https://luna.folger.edu/luna/servlet/detail/FOLGERCM1~6~6~865444~157201:-Berger-extravagant–English–The-e?sort=call_number%2Cmpsortorder1%2Ccd_title%2Cimprint&qvq=q:Shepherd;sort:call_number%2Cmpsortorder1%2Ccd_title%2Cimprint;lc:FOLGERCM1~6~6&mi=0&trs=211  (back)
  8. I intend to write a lengthy post on intramission and extramission models of vision in late medieval and early modern theories. In short, I believe many critics, drawing on explanations of love beams and envious eyes, overstate and over-generalize how prevalent extramissionist theories of vision were in the period. Though love beams and the evil eye were explained in such a way, the predominant model for vision remained intramissionist in general.  (back)
  9. Again, I will write about this again soon.  (back)
  10. For the importance of images impressed on the spirits please see my earlier post on Ambroise Paré and the generation of monsters. The relationship between the two posts will be made even clearer in what follows.  (back)
  11. Again, I will write further on this later.  (back)
  12. My thoughts here are a little more sketchy and as of yet not wholly worked out or substantiated. At the same time, I do believe the boundaries between the perceiver and his or her world is much more open in this period than with the modern insular self—extending not only to people but also to “objects.”  (back)
For this post, I will be using and citing from Sears Jayne’s excellent translation of De Amore, Commentary on Plato’s Symposium on Love.
Find details https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Marsilio_Ficino_-_Angel_Appearing_to_Zacharias_(detail).jpg
The case for the non-materiality of vision and love appears clear cut from Ficino’s own explicit theoretical apparatus. For him, as for many others at the time, Aristotelian and Neoplatonic, vision did not involve the transfer of material from the world’s objects to the eye, trafficking solely in light. As Ficino puts it,

…The beauty of any person pleases the soul not insofar as it lies in external matter, but insofar as an image of it is comprehended or grasped by the soul through the sight. That image cannot be a body, either in the sight or in the soul, since both of these are incorporeal. For in what way could the small pupil of the eye take in the whole heaven, so to speak, if it received it in a corporeal way? In no way, obviously. But the spirit receives in a point the entire breadth of a body, in a spiritual way and in an incorporeal image. The soul likes only that beauty which it has taken in. Though this beauty may be an image of an external body, it is nonetheless incorporeal in the soul. (Ficino 87–88).

Ficino states that the eye does not take in any matter, but his criticism is really directed towards epicureans like Lucretius who claim that objects in the world emit eidolon which are “little films” given off by the surface of objects. The epicurean stance allows for more of a corporeal transfer in the process of vision, but as Ficino and many other detractors note, the “little films” are difficult to maintain because the eye would need to be able to take in the objects of the whole world. Ficino’s argument here, then, is more about the hypermaterial explanatory system of the epicureans, but while he emphasizes the immateriality of the process in this passage, he later, as we will see, draws upon material explanations to describe immaterial processes.

Although his primary targets here are the epicureans, Ficino reiterates that the process is immaterial and corporeal when he says that the eye only takes in light. He says,

[The shapes and colors of bodies] do not come to the eyes with their matter. Nevertheless it seems to be necessary that they be in the eyes in order to be seen by the eyes. And so the one light of the sun, imprinted with the colors and shapes of all the bodies illuminated by it, presents itself to the eyes. The eyes, with the help of a certain ray of their own, perceive the light thus imprinted: they see both the perceived light itself and all the things which are imprinted in it. Therefore this whole order of the world which is seen is perceived, not in the manner in which it exists in the matter of bodies, but in which it exists in the light infused into the eyes. Since in this light it is separated from matter, it is necessarily devoid of body. (90-91).

Against the epicureans who argue that the matter from the surfaces of objects enters the eye through “little films,” Ficino claims they come to the eyes without a body because they are infused in light. At the same time, however, he uses very material terms to discuss this process. The shapes and colors of bodies are “imprinted” on both the light and the eye. So even though these “images” are “incorporeal,” Ficino uses very material language to discuss their transmission. As we will see, however, when Ficino moves to the standard account of the origins of vulgar love, the waters get even murkier.

Please see my earlier posts on medieval and early modern eyes. You can find part one here, and part two here.
It should be noted that Ficino claims there are five types of love in man, the first two inspired by demons and the other three by the passions. He still, however, maintains the distinction between heavenly and vulgar love as found in Plato.
Such an arrangement is typical of theories of vision in the period. See my previous post on the imagination in Petrarch here.
From the Folger Library’s excellent Luna site, found here: https://luna.folger.edu/luna/servlet/detail/FOLGERCM1~6~6~865444~157201:-Berger-extravagant–English–The-e?sort=call_number%2Cmpsortorder1%2Ccd_title%2Cimprint&qvq=q:Shepherd;sort:call_number%2Cmpsortorder1%2Ccd_title%2Cimprint;lc:FOLGERCM1~6~6&mi=0&trs=211
I intend to write a lengthy post on intramission and extramission models of vision in late medieval and early modern theories. In short, I believe many critics, drawing on explanations of love beams and envious eyes, overstate and over-generalize how prevalent extramissionist theories of vision were in the period. Though love beams and the evil eye were explained in such a way, the predominant model for vision remained intramissionist in general.
Again, I will write about this again soon.
For the importance of images impressed on the spirits please see my earlier post on Ambroise Paré and the generation of monsters. The relationship between the two posts will be made even clearer in what follows.
Again, I will write further on this later.
My thoughts here are a little more sketchy and as of yet not wholly worked out or substantiated. At the same time, I do believe the boundaries between the perceiver and his or her world is much more open in this period than with the modern insular self—extending not only to people but also to “objects.”
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Posted in Scholarship, Early Modern Senses, Shaping Sense Tagged paramaterial, Love, Phantasy, theories of love, vision, history of vision, early modern senses, Marsilio Ficino, love beams, early modern, homoeroticism, imagination, De Amore

Donald Trump Woodcut: Megalomanicus Logorrheus

It has been a while since I’ve posted anything, but I was asked on Twitter to share my Donald Trump woodcut: Megalomanicus Logorrheus. If not used for profit, feel free to use these images in any way you see fit.

Donald Trump-Senseshaper-Megalomanicus Logorrheus
And here’s a black and white version for those who want to print it yourselves:
Donald Trump-Senseshaper Megalomanicus Logorrheus- Black and White

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Posted in Scholarship

“Print is Dead”: More Medieval and Early Modern Inspired Woodcuts, With a Second Edition of Henry VIII, HVIIIERS Gonna HVIII

It has been nearly a year since I have posted to my website, but, rest assured, I have continued my engagement with the medieval, early modern, and printmaking worlds. I want to assure you that this website, like print itself, is not dead. You can always find these woodcuts and many others at my Etsy shop. To commemorate the year and to confirm myself in my woodcutting and printmaking hobby, I carved this woodcut of Johannes Gutenberg and titled and captioned it, “Print is Dead.”

Johannes Gutenberg woodcut, "Print is Dead," by senseshaper. You may purchase a print here, or find it on a shirt here.

Johannes Gutenberg woodcut, “Print is Dead,” by senseshaper. You may purchase a print here, or find it on a shirt here.

In my last update, I introduced the world to the first edition of my Henry Tudor woodcut, “HVIIIERS Gonna HVIII,” which has shocked me in its popularity. As a result, the first Henry block has warped and has become difficult to rely upon to make good prints. Accordingly, I redesigned and recut it, pushing the HVIIIERS Gonna HVIII print into a second edition.

Henry VIII woodcut, "HVIIIERS Gonna HVIII," by senseshaper, second edition. You may purchase a print here, or find a shirt here.

Henry VIII woodcut, “HVIIIERS Gonna HVIII,” by senseshaper, second edition. You may purchase a print here, or find a shirt here.

As apparent from my previous posts on early modern erotic woodcuts, I also decided to try my hand at copying one of my personal favorites, a posture from Pietro Arentino’s I Modi. Aretino’s ribald poems were based on a series of paintings by Italian artist Giulio Romano, which were then turned into engravings by Marcantonio Raimondi, and then copied by unnamed woodcut artists throughout Europe in the sixteenth century. Following this long and proud tradition, I decided making copies of Aretino’s postures would be a perfect way to promote my push to #DeDigitizeTheArchive. I developed #DeDigitizeTheArchive to encourage others to rematerialize digital artifacts through copies and manipulations. This process exposes the ways in which copies never fully faithfully reproduce the originals, creating unique objects with every instance of reproduction.

Woodcut of Pietro Aretino's I Modi Posture 14 after Giulio Romano and Marcantonio Raimondi by senseshaper. You can purchase a print here, or find it on a shirt here.

Woodcut of Pietro Aretino’s I Modi Posture 14 after Giulio Romano and Marcantonio Raimondi by senseshaper. You can purchase a print here, or find it on a shirt here.

As further instances of my attempt to #DeDigitizeTheArchive, I also carved several other copies of lesser known early modern woodcuts. I typically just chose early modern woodcuts that strike me for one reason of another and that have some relationship with my scholarly interests.

The first is a copy of a demon dog found in John Phillips’ The Examination and confession of certaine wytches at Chensforde in the countie of Essex from 1566 (STC 19869.5). I have a special interest in early modern witchcraft, and this unusual dog, featuring a key in his mouth, and a whistle around his neck, appears to have been produced specifically for the vision of the devil offered by a child under examination in the course of Phillips’ narrative.

This devil dog woodcut is after one found in John Phillips' 1566 witchcraft narrative The Examination and confession of certaine wytches at Chensforde. You can purchase a print here, or find it on a shirt here.

This devil dog woodcut is after one found in John Phillips’ 1566 witchcraft narrative The Examination and confession of certaine wytches at Chensforde. You can purchase a print here, or find it on a shirt here.

In addition to the devil dog, I also made a woodcut copy of some anti-Catholic propaganda from 1581. Taken from Stephen Batman’s The doome warning all men to the iudgemente (STC 1582), this woodcut depicts two faces, one of a Catholic priest, and one of a fool, surrounded by the motto “Aliquando Sapientes Stulti,” which translates simultaneously as “Sometimes the Wise are Fools” and “Fools are Sometimes Wise.”

Aliquando Sapientes Stulti, "Sometimes the wise are Fools/ Fools are Sometimes Wise" woodcut copy of Batman's The doome warning all men to the judgemente (1581). You can purchase a print here, or find it on a shirt here.

Aliquando Sapientes Stulti, “Sometimes the wise are Fools/ Fools are Sometimes Wise” woodcut copy of Stephen Batman’s The doome warning all men to the judgemente (1581). You can purchase a print here, or find it on a shirt here.

My interest in printing and in my project to #DeDigitizeTheArchive also led me to attempt a copy of Wynkyn (Wynken) de Worde’s printer’s device. This copy proved exceedingly challenging for all of its detail, and, while I’m not entirely satisfied with the centaur’s face, it turned out better than expected. this year, I plan to follow this up with several other printer’s devices including Aldus Manutius and William Caxton, even if print is dead.

Woodcut copy of Wynkyn (Wynken) de Worde's Printer's Device by senseshaper. You can purchase a print here, or find it on a shirt here.

Woodcut copy of Wynkyn (Wynken) de Worde’s Printer’s Device by senseshaper. You can purchase a print here, or find it on a shirt here.

I have loved Robert Greene since my undergraduate work at the University of Illinois, and the title page woodcut of Robert Greene’s first conny-catching pamphlet, A Notable Discovery of Coosenage (1592). I’ve often thought that if I were to start a motorcycle gang, that I would use this woodcut on the MC patch. This might be the most badass rabbit of all time.

Woodcut after the title page illustration of Robert Greene's first conny-catching pamphlet, A Notable Discovery of Coosenage (1592) by senseshaper. You can purchase a print here, or you can find it on a shirt here.

Woodcut after the title page illustration of Robert Greene’s first conny-catching pamphlet, A Notable Discovery of Coosenage (1592) by senseshaper. You can purchase a print here, or you can find it on a shirt here.

This year also saw my first commissioned professional woodcut. George Washington University’s Medieval and Early Modern Studies Institute (MEMSI) asked for a woodcut copy of Thomas Coryate riding an elephant. It bears GW MEMSI’s motto, “The Future of the Past.” As Coryate’s Traveller for the English Wits (1616), from which the original of this woodcut was taken, puts it:

Loe heere the wooden Image of our wits;
Borne, in first travaile, on the backs of Nits;
But now on Elephants, &c:
O, what will he ride, when his yeares expire?
The world must ride him; or he all will tire.

Thomas Coryat riding an elephant woodcut copy for GW MEMSI by senseshaper. You can purchase a print here, or find it on a shirt here.

Thomas Coryat riding an elephant woodcut copy for GW MEMSI by senseshaper. You can purchase a print here, or find it on a shirt here.

Aside from these more strict copies, I also continue to explore the intersection of meme culture and medieval and early modern woodcuts with my captioned prints, and I have followed up this tradition with several new ones in the past year. Whereas #DeDigitizeTheArchive encourages people to rematerialize digital artifacts that were either born digital or which have been digitized from material books, the intersection between meme culture and woodcuts produces an interesting conjunction. Meme culture promotes a play with image and text that depends upon an almost identical and lossless image copy with endlessly variable text, my woodcuts produce copies of images that, while reproducible, depend upon the material condition of their reproduction. An under- or over- inked block can produce variations, while the carved text fixes the image into a more permanent context. Many have asked why I carve the captions rather than use some method of moveable type to change those captions. I find that the carved text more thoroughly roots the image in a particular context, with a specific meaning. Such is not the case with memes, but, like memes, woodcuts are reproducible with multiple variations, but variations of a different order.

This first woodcut combines meme culture with the early modern, since it is a copy of Moll Cutpurse’s (Mary Firth’s) portrait originally found on the title page of Thomas Middleton’s “The Roaring Girle. Or Moll Cut-Purse” from the 1611 edition (STC 17908). If any figure embodies the ethos of “thug lyfe” in the early modern period, it would be the Roaring Girl herself, Moll Cutpurse.

Moll Cutpurse (Mary Firth), the Roaring Girl, senseshaper woodcut, "Thug Lyfe." You can purchase a print here, or find it on a shirt here.

Moll Cutpurse (Mary Firth), the Roaring Girl, senseshaper woodcut, “Thug Lyfe.” You can purchase a print here, or find it on a shirt here.

While the Bard may be over-represented in early modern critical traditions, I caved to pressure and a request to produce a William Shakespeare woodcut. This commissioned print might appear in print later this year.

William Shakespeare Woodcut, "I Like the Ruff Stuff," by senseshaper. You can purchase a print here, or you can find it on a shirt here.

William Shakespeare Woodcut, “I Like the Ruff Stuff,” by senseshaper. You can purchase a print here, or you can find it on a shirt here.

While most of my woodcuts this year were related to the early modern period, I could not leave the medieval behind altogether, and decided to make one of Francesco Petrarcha (Petrarch). As Petrarch should have written to Laura,

Hey, I just met you,
And this is crazy,
But I wrote some sonnets,
So…

Francesco Petrarcha (Petrarch) woodcut, "Call Me Maybe," by senseshaper. You can purchase a print here, or find it on a shirt here.

Francesco Petrarcha (Petrarch) woodcut, “Call Me Maybe,” by senseshaper. You can purchase a print here, or find it on a shirt here.

And while related to neither the medieval nor early modern periods, no process of #DeDigitizingtheArchive would be complete without something born digital. In service of this, and because I needed something easy to occupy my hands while in the process of quitting smoking, I decided to make a one that everyone can get behind, a smiling poo emoji woodcut. Maybe with this woodcut, print really is dead.

A smiling poo emoji woodcut by senseshaper.

A smiling poo emoji woodcut by senseshaper.

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Posted in #WoodcutWednesday, Satire, Silly Things, Tangents, woodcuts Tagged Johannes Gutenberg, Thomas Coryat, Robert Greene, DeDigitizeTheArchive, Elephant, woodcut, Moll Cutpurse, Conny Catcher, Henry VIII, Middleton, smiling poo emoji, Tudors, Roaring Girl, #WoodcutWednesday, Stephen Batman, wynkyn de worde, witchcraft, early modern, William Shakespeare, Giulio Romano, Francesco Petrarcha, senseshaper, Aretino, medieval, Aretino's Postures, Petrarch, Henry Tudor, Marcantonio Raimondi, Shakespeare, Gutenberg, printmaking

HVIIIers Gonna HVIII: Henry VIII and Other Senseshaper Woodcuts Inspired by the Medieval and Early Modern Periods

While I have not been posting to this blog on early modern vision as regularly as I want, I have been busy making more woodcuts inspired by the medieval and early modern periods. While my Henry VIII woodcut attained some popularity on social media sites not long after I made it, I had yet to post it to this site. As always, some of my prints are available at my Etsy store, and some are available on shirts and other products through my Zazzle shop.

The first two woodcuts were inspired by my reading of Hilary Mantel’s Wolf Hall and Bringing Up the Bodies.

HVIIIers Gonna HVIII (Henry VIII) Senseshaper Woodcut after the Holbein portrait of Henry Tudor

HVIIIers Gonna HVIII (Henry VIII) Senseshaper Woodcut after the Holbein portrait of Henry Tudor. You can purchase a print here or a shirt here.

More Bitches, More Problems Senseshaper Woodcut after the Holbein portrait of Thomas More.

More Bitches, More Problems Senseshaper Woodcut after the Holbein portrait of Thomas More. You can purchase a print here or a shirt here.

Anne Boleyn Woodcut by senseshaper, "Wylde for to Hold." You can purchase a print here or a shirt here.

Anne Boleyn Woodcut by senseshaper, “Wylde for to Hold.” You can purchase a print here or a shirt here.

Cardinal Thomas Wolsey for Pope woodcut. You can purchase a print here or a shirt here.

Cardinal Thomas Wolsey for Pope woodcut. You can purchase a print here or a shirt here.

The next woodcut emerged from Twitter commentary on my Henry VIII print. James Chetwood (@chegchenko) suggested I make a Richard III woodcut with the caption “III Behaviour.” I loved the idea and took him up on it.

III Behavior Senseshaper Woodcut after a portrait of Richard III (Richard the Third).

III Behavior Senseshaper Woodcut after a portrait of Richard III (Richard the Third). You can purchase a print here and a shirt here.

I couldn’t leave Elizabeth I out of the mix.

Elizabeth I "Like a Virgin" woodcut. You can purchase a print here or a shirt here.

Elizabeth I “Like a Virgin” woodcut. You can purchase a print here or a shirt here.

But I didn’t stop with monarchs and figures that feature in Mantel’s novels, I also made a few woodcut prints that are more generally related to the medieval and early modern periods.

"Et in Arcadia Ego" a senseshaper woodcut of a plague doctor. You can purchase a print here or a shirt here.

“Et in Arcadia Ego” a senseshaper woodcut of a plague doctor. You can purchase a print here or a shirt here.

Apparently, my hubris knows no bounds since I tried my hand at copying several details by Albrecht Dürer. My first attempt was just okay, but I was satisfied with my attempt to copy the master.

"We're All Mad Here" senseshaper woodcut from a detail from Albrecht Dürer's "Knight, Death, and the Devil." You can purchase a print here or a shirt here.

“We’re All Mad Here” senseshaper woodcut from a detail from Albrecht Dürer’s “Knight, Death, and the Devil.” You can purchase a print here or a shirt here.

My second attempt to copy Albrecht Dürer went a little better as I copied the melancholic face from his Melencolia I (Melancholia I).

"Mad Call I It" a senseshaper woodcut from a detail of  Albrecht Dürer's Melencolia I (Melancholia I). You can purchase a print here or a shirt here.

“Mad Call I It” a senseshaper woodcut from a detail of Albrecht Dürer’s Melencolia I (Melancholia I). You can purchase a print here or a shirt here.

I also tried my hand at copying a detail from Sandro Botticelli’s The Birth of Venus (Nascita di Venere). I worked on this one primarily as a study in ways to woodcut hair.

"Kalodaemon" a Senseshaper woodcut copy of detail of Sandro Botticelli's The Birth of Venus. You can purchase a print here or a shirt here.

“Kalodaemon” a Senseshaper woodcut copy of detail of Sandro Botticelli’s The Birth of Venus. You can purchase a print here or a shirt here.

Although not as detailed as the Dürer or the Botticelli copies, I have been doing some John Dee and Rosicrucian reading recently, and decided I needed to have a woodcut copy of Dee’s Monas Hierogyphica on my wall.

A woodcut copy of John Dee's Monas Hieroglyphica by senseshaper. You can purchase a print here or a shirt here.

A woodcut copy of John Dee’s Monas Hieroglyphica by senseshaper. You can purchase a print here or a shirt here.

But I also did not leave behind my literary interests. While I’m proud of how my woodcut talents are developing, you might answer, along with Chaucer’s Harry Bailey that they are “nat worth a toord.”

"Nat Worth a Toord" Geoffrey Chaucer woodcut by senseshaper. You can purchase a print here or a shirt here.

“Nat Worth a Toord” Geoffrey Chaucer woodcut by senseshaper. You can purchase a print here or a shirt here.

Thanks for looking! As always, if a print or shirt of one of my woodcuts isn’t currently available, let me know in an email or a comment and I will post them as soon as possible.

…And I promise to return to early modern vision posts soon!

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Posted in Silly Things, woodcuts, Tangents, #WoodcutWednesday Tagged Henry VIII, Monas Hieroglyphica, Elizabethan, senseshaper, Rosicrucian, Chaucer, prints, Hilary Mantel, early modern, The Tudors, Wolf Hall, medieval, Henry Tudor, Bringing Up the Bodies, renaissance, Sir Thomas More, Birth of Venus, Richard III, Geoffrey Chaucer, Botticelli, Plague Doctor, Sandro Botticelli, woodcut, Durer, Elizabeth I, art, John Dee, Virgin Queen 1 Comment

“Their phantasies differ”: The Phantasy in Raleigh’s translation of Sextus Empiricus

The “Sceptick,” first published in 1651 and attributed to Sir Walter Raleigh, offers one of the first known English translations, albeit unacknowledged, of portions of Sextus Empiricus’ Outlines. While it is not a pure translation, and while it only offers an expurgated version of Sextus’ classical skeptical work, it is undoubtedly based on portions of the Outlines.

While Thomas Nashe mentioned an English translation of Sextus as early as 1591, no translations have yet to be found. In his essay attatched to the first edition of Sir Philip Sidney’s Astrophil and Stella, Nashe says,

…that our opinion (as Setus Empedocus [sic] affirmeth) gives the name of good or ill to every thing. Out of whose works (latelie translated into English, for the betterment of unlearned writers) a man might collect a whole booke of this argument, which no doubt woulde prove a worthy commonwealth matter, and far better than wits wax karnell: much good worship have the Author. (Nashe in Sidney, A4v).

I will return to the question of good and ill below, but, for now, want to point out that there was at least talk of an English translation well before the publication of the one attributed to Raleigh in 1651. It is possible, even if unlikely, that Nashe was familiar with Raleigh’s translation in manuscript as it was not published until well after Ralegh’s death.

Another mention of Sextus comes from a seventeenth century text that offers an account of Sextus’ influence in England in the early seventeenth century. In his biography published much later, Joseph Mede purportedly encountered the work of Sextus Empiricus in the early 1600s while at Cambridge, producing a crisis of sense in which he took the entire world for a phantasm.1 What is clear is that Sextus had made some impact in England by around 1600, well in advance of the “Sceptick.”

Title page of Sir Walter Raleigh's "Sceptick," 1651

Published in 1651 as “Sir Walter Raleigh’s Sceptick, or Speculations,” the publication never acknowledges the work as a translation, and we do not know how early it was composed, or even if Raleigh penned the translation at all.2 Nevertheless, the “Sceptick” provides an expurgated and bare-bones translation of Sextus’ work from roughly I. 40 to about I. 98, though it cuts much of the original text. This section, where Sextus lays out the “Ten Modes” of suspension of judgment or skepticism, develops the tropes of skepticism. While Raleigh’s “Sceptick” never refers to the ten modes, he does follow many of them over the course of his expurgated translation.

For example, Raleigh’s “Sceptick” begins as follows:

His first Reason ariseth, from the consideration of the great difference amongst living Creatures, both in the matter and manner of their Generations, and the several Constitutions of their bodies. (Raleigh 1-2).

Compare this to Sextus’ Outlines, I.40, which begins:

The First argument (or Trope), as we said, is that which shows that the same impressions are not produced by the same objects owing to differences in animals. This we infer both from the differences in their origins and from the variety of their bodily structures.

This is just one example where Raleigh closely follows Sextus, and although he does not translate the entirety of sections I.40 to I. 98, nearly everything in the text does follow lines of the original.

While there is enough evidence in the progression and tropes used in the short treatise to consider it an expurgated translation of Sextus’ work, I would like to call attention to several key differences in the way in which the translation deploys some of those tropes as they pertain to the faculties of the mind. The “Sceptick” continually refers to an element that is not made much of in Sextus’ Outlines. The “Sceptick” attributes the problems of the senses to a problem of the phantasy or the imagination. In this aspect, the original remains relatively silent, but it becomes a major focus in the sixteenth- or seventeenth-century translation. While never mentioned in the sections in Sextus, the phantasy takes center stage in Raleigh’s expurgated translation. Raleigh refers to the phantasy or imagination no less than eleven times over the course of the short treatise. Compared to the original, the treatise accentuates the role of the phantasy, locating many of its questions within the problematic faculty.

Speaking of the various ways in which different animals copulate and engender, the “Sceptick” concludes,

These great differences cannot but cause a divers and contrary temperament, a qualitie in those creatures, and consequently, a great diversitie in their phantasie and conceit; so that they apprehend one and the same object, yet that they must do it after a divers manner; for is it not absurd to affirm, That creatures differ so much in temperature, and yet agree in conceit concerning one and the same object? (Raleigh 3).

Compare this to the similar conclusion in Sextus which says,

It is natural, then, that these dissimilar and variant modes of birth should produce much contrariety of sense-affection, and that this is a source of its divergent, discordant and conflicting character. (Outlines I.43).

In the “Sceptick,” the different ways of bodily formation result in or from different temperaments that manifest “a great diversitie in their phantasie and conceit.” The modern translation of Sextus merely says that the different modes of birth produce different types of “sense-affection.” The sixteenth or seventeenth century translation places the “phantasie” at the center of the controversy, since the quality and receptiveness of that faculty depended upon the temperament of the body in which it was housed. The phantasy or the imagination stands central to the later skeptical questioning of sense in this first argument or trope of skepticism.

The relative importance of the phantasy in explaining sense perception as well as its deficiency continues in the next sections. Sextus continues,

Moreover, the differences found in the most important parts of the body, and especially in those of which the natural function is judging and perceiving are capable of producing a vast deal of divergence in the sense-impressions owing to the variety in the animals.” (Outlines I.44).

Whereas Sextus refers more broadly to the parts of the body “of which the natural function is judging and perceiving,” the later translation names the faculty specifically. The “Sceptick” puts it,

But this will more plainly appear, if the instruments of Sence in the body be observed: for we shall find, that as these instruments are affected and disposed, so doth the Imagination conceit that which by them is connexed unto it. (Raleigh 3-4).

For the later translation, the problems of the external senses are inextricably bound up with the problems of the inner faculties.

If the differences among various animals matter, so too do the differences between men. As the “Sceptick” puts it,

If then it be so, that there be such differences in Men, this must be by reason of the divers temperatures they have, and divers disposition of their conceit and imagination; for, if one hate, and another love the very same thing, it must be that their phantasies differ, else all would love it, or all would hate it. These Men then, may tell how these things seem to them good, or bad; but what they are in their own Nature they cannot tell.” (23-24).

Just as the different temperaments among various species of animals differ and produce alternate modes of sensation, so too do the different temperaments among humans. Here, the phantasy or imagination plays an important role in a way less emphasized by Sextus.

The passage that comes closest to the above is as follows:

Seeing, then, that choice and avoidance depend on pleasure and displeasure, while pleasure and displeasure depend on sensation and sense-impression, whenever some men choose the very things which are avoided by others, it is logical for us to conclude that they are also differently affected by the same things, since otherwise they would all alike have chosen or avoided the same things. But if the same objects affect men differently owing to the differences in the men, then, on this ground also, we shall reasonably be led to suspension of judgment. For while we are, no doubt, able to state what each of the underlying objects appears to be, relatively to each difference, we are incapable of explaining what it is in reality. (Outlines I. 87).

Determinations of pleasurable and painful or good and bad depend not only upon the individual making the evaluation but also upon the quality and condition of that individual’s faculties. In Sextus, he does not mention the faculty responsible for the evaluation, but, once again, the phantasy or imagination play a crucial role in the “Sceptick.” In both cases, the diversity of opinions create a situation in which truth cannot be judged correctly. For Raleigh in particular, the evaluation of good and bad depends upon the phantasy in particular. Whereas Sextus continually refers to suspending judgment on these matters, the “Sceptick” rarely translates those passages, instead leaving the matter in a more extreme form of doubt.

By the time of the translation, the phantasy had become such an important component of explaining sensation and perception that it also became implicated in the skeptical questions posed by Sextus. The phantasy was important for expressing the continuity between the body, mind, and soul, but because it assumed such an important position, it also embodied many of the problems of epistemology. It’s paramaterial quality, placing it somewhere between the material and the immaterial, between the body and the soul, supposedly explained how a soul could perceive through the material body, but that paradoxical quality also opened up the possibility of epistemological questions.3

The radical potential of Sextus’ position here, as Thomas Nashe had pointed out in his “Somewhat to reade for them that list,” was that, because of the phantasy’s relationship to the body and its importance in determinations of good and ill or good and evil, the notions of good and ill might not have anything to do with something found in nature, but that instead depended upon the temperament, quality, and condition of the receiving phantasy. Determinations of good and ill might be a mechanistic process and one that depended more on the body than upon the mind. Because of its in-between status, the phantasy could be dangerous to the more immaterial mind and soul precisely because of its link to the body.

While Nashe does not specifically speak of the phantasy, the translation of Sextus in the “Sceptick” does attribute evaluations of pleasurable and painful, good and ill to the individual phantasy. Instead of locating truth in Nature, the skeptic questions what Nature can actually be meant by the very word. Human animals, according to both Sextus and the author of the “Sceptick,” have not right to claim a better grasp of reality than animals, and one can never privilege one man’s phantasy over another. Instead, one should doubt the truth of any information acquired through the senses and, consequently, all of epistemology.

For the translation, it is the phantasy and its problematic relationship to the body that inspires epistemological questions. The phantasy, which elsewhere helps secure the links between perception and thought, remains a problematic faculty, and the problematic nature of that phantasy renders all that passes through it into doubt. For Sextus, the faculty itself was not singled out, but the translation locates many of its skeptical questions in relation to the dangerous faculty of the phantasy or imagination.

The appearance of the phantasy or imagination in the “Sceptick” manifests the importance of that faculty in sixteenth and seventeenth century expressions of skepticism. While not a major focus in Sextus’ expression of classical, pyrrhonian skepticism, in the early modern period, the phantasy was a key player in expressions of skepticism because of its importance in explanations of the relationship of perception and cognition.

Works Cited

(Empiricus.), Sextus, and Robert Gregg Bury. Sextus Empiricus: Outlines of Pyrrhonism. Harvard University Press, 2000.

Raleigh, Walter, Sir, 1552?-1618. Sir Walter Raleigh’s Sceptick, or Speculations and Observations of the Magnificency and Opulency of Cities, His Seat of Government, and Letters to the Kings Majestie, and Others of Qualitie : Also, His Demeanor before His Execution. London : Printed by W. Bentley, and are to be sold by W. Shears, 1651. Early English Books, 1641-1700 / 224:27.

Sidney, Philip, Thomas Newman, and Thomas Nash. Syr P.S. His Astrophel and Stella Wherein the Excellence of Sweete Poesie Is Concluded. To the End of Which Are Added, Sundry Other Rare Sonnets of Diuers Noble Men and Gentlemen. At London : Printed [by John Charlewood] for Thomas Newman, 1591.

  1. For more on Mede, see my previous post on him here.  (back)
  2. While clearly marked as Sir Walter Raleigh’s “Sceptick,” it is possible that a publisher attached his name to sell more copies.  (back)
  3. For more discussion of what I am calling paramaterial, please see my other digital essays. Look at either my previously mentioned post on Mede, this one on Shakespeare, or this one on Hamlet in particular.  (back)
For more on Mede, see my previous post on him here.
While clearly marked as Sir Walter Raleigh’s “Sceptick,” it is possible that a publisher attached his name to sell more copies.
For more discussion of what I am calling paramaterial, please see my other digital essays. Look at either my previously mentioned post on Mede, this one on Shakespeare, or this one on Hamlet in particular.
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Posted in Shaping Sense, Scholarship, Philosophical Skepticism Tagged Raleigh, early modern, history of senses, paramaterial, phantasms, Phantasy, philosophical skepticism, Sextus Empiricus, skepticism, early modern senses

The Cheerios and Coca Cola Super Bowl Controversy: Capitalism with a Human [Multicultural] Face

Since the Super Bowl I have been thinking about the Cheerios and Coca Cola commercials that created a torrent of racist Tweets and commentary. The Cheerios commercial featured a beautiful biracial family. The Coca-Cola commercial played “America the Beautiful” in a multiplicity of languages.

The Cheerios Super Bowl Ad
The Coca Cola Super Bowl Ad

That right wing bigots took offense to such ads, however, was not what surprised me. We could have foreseen just such an up swell of racism from the Twittersphere if we simply remembered that an earlier Cheerios commercial back in May featuring a biracial family caused a similar explosion of social media bigotry.1 What shocked me was the response by those people on the left who championed Cheerios and Coca-Cola on social media.

My colleagues and friends on the left championed both Cheerios and Coca Cola as brands with progressive leaning politics, the one with its depiction of a perfectly lovely and normal biracial family and the other with its expression of the multiculturalism that makes America great. I saw Tweets and Facebook posts that extolled both companies for being on the right side of cultural issues. With those sentiments, I agree, but I was nevertheless baffled by those responses from people who otherwise challenge the existing social order and cite Slavoj Zizek with regularity. The problem here is that the two ads function as calls to capitalism and consumerism just as any ad run during the Super Bowl is intended to do.

I do not fault Cheerios or Coca Cola, and do think their decision to run ads that challenged the very narrow view of America and of families and of what America or American families are supposed to look like. In those respects, I too laud those companies for their more inclusive and holistic view of them. The problem, for me, is that in doing so, those commercials represent a more insidious attack on the left and on progressivism precisely because they co-opt those very positive elements of progressivism into a form that still constitutes a call for conspicuous consumption. It is the combination of those two elements that I, as a leftist, find offensive.

While some may see the commercials as offering a better form of capitalism, I find such moves somewhat coercive when it comes to the way co-opting the left becomes a type of coercion that wrenches social issues into the service of capitalist ideology. The implicit message behind such moves is that multiculturalism can be brought to you by Coca Cola or that racial harmony can be achieved through a bowl of cereal. What such ads give us is capitalism with a multicultural face; capitalism with a biracial face. But both simply give us capitalism in a form more palatable to the left and it is that form that makes it more problematic as an expression of progressivism.

Even as I write this, I find myself drawn towards praising both companies for their messages, and from within the realm of late capitalism both offer positive examples of marketing that is more inclusive. That is what makes this cooptation all the more seductive and potentially dangerous in my eyes. Let’s be clear. Coca Cola and Cheerios both made choices to go with advertisements that present a form of progressivism, but those moves were calculated moves intent upon promoting their brands. The intent, even if it was within the minds of those who made or those who approved the ads, was not to present a progressive message but to sell goods and to increase market share. They know those on the left are vulnerable to such advertisements.

The real problem here is that the market is so quick to exploit progressive causes for monetary gain, and while they do do some social good, they are, at their core, nothing but calls to capitalism. Let’s not go the way of the religious right who buys chicken sandwiches to show their love of God; let’s not be so readily fooled into believing that buying certain products, goods, or services actually help either racial harmony or multiculturalism. Let’s remember that these types of products of popular culture only provide us with an image of capitalism with a human—albeit biracial or multicultural—face.

  1. Of course, that must come as news to MSNBC who fired an intern for commenting on this fact before the Super Bowl even aired last night. I trust, after last night’s display of vile racist Tweets, that intern has been issued an apology and has been offered her job back.  (back)
Of course, that must come as news to MSNBC who fired an intern for commenting on this fact before the Super Bowl even aired last night. I trust, after last night’s display of vile racist Tweets, that intern has been issued an apology and has been offered her job back.
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Posted in Politics Tagged Marxism, Super Bowl commercial, progressivism, popular culture

How to Make a Woodcut: Senseshaper’s Process of De-Digitizing the Archives

Several months ago when I started making woodcuts and posting the results to Twitter and Facebook, some asked me to write a blog post explaining my process. I got sidetracked, first, by teaching myself how to make handmade rag paper and, second, by requests that I set up an Etsy shop to sell some of the state woodcuts that I’ve been making. In the first, I’ve made progress but have not yet mastered the art of making paper. In the second, I did open an Etsy shop and have been surprised and excited that so many people have started to purchase woodcut prints. My most popular so far are the prints I’ve designed, cut, and printed of the states. As of today, I’ve done one fifth of the United States.1 I thought I would take a break from carving states to fulfill my long overdue promise and talk about my process.

 

Here is the woodcut that I’ve made specifically for this post:

Senseshaper Woodcut- Heavy Inking

It is based on the very rough version I made early in my woodcutting hobby as sort of a mock printer’s device.

senseshaper-symbol

As you can see, the earlier version looks much rougher (and, because of that, somewhat preferable). Part of this has to do with the skill I’ve acquired through practice, and some to do with my switch from scrap wood from my garage to higher quality pine and poplar, but it also has a lot to do with the tools I used to produce each. When I first started, I used very crude tools that I purchased for under $10 at Michaels along with an X-Acto knife. I quickly found them too limiting and moved to much better tools like the Ramelson Woodcarving Tool Set. Lastly, I moved to professional PFEIL “Swiss Made” chisels, and, instead of an X-Acto knife, a couple of Flexcut knives. I find the most useful purchases for making relief cuts are PFEIL’s # 11 0.5MM, # 11 1MM, # 11 1.5MM, and # 15 1MM, and Flexcut’s mini-pelican knife. Unfortunately, I have not found a set that has the smallest of the PFEIL chisels, but they significantly seem to maintain their edge longer than the cheaper Ramelson tools. I have yet to purchase these chisels in shorter lengths, but plan to do so as soon as I sell a few more woodcut prints to help pay for them. If you do not want to spend the money, the Ramelson tools are still vastly superior to the cheap carving sets like the one I listed above or that you can purchase at a store like Michaels.  If you go with either the Ramelson or the PFEIL, you will also want to purchase a sharpening tool, and, so far, I’ve found the Flex Cut SLIPSTROP to be handy and easy to use. I will update my blog if I find any better tools to use, but I cannot imagine any better chisels than the PFEIL chisels and the Flex Cut mini-pelican knife.

Step One: Make a design in Photoshop

You start on the computer? Yes. Fire up your favorite graphic software and create a design that you like. My main interest in woodcutting began with my scholarly interest in early modern woodcuts, so many of my woodcut attempts have been in de-digitizing the archive (#DeDigitizeTheArchive!), but, for this woodcut, I designed my symbol using a re-digitization of the earlier woodcut I made.2

Senseshaper woodcut- Meta

After I have a version that I like, I de-digitize the image by printing it on an old HP inkjet printer.

Step Two: De-Digitize the Image

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Since I do not consider a printed image significantly de-digitized, I want to transfer this image to wood. It took me some time to discover how to do this with any consistency, but I have found a process that works for me using a technique that was often used in the early modern period. Rather than using the much simpler transfer process with something like Mod Podge, I opt to use the much more simple yet much more difficult process of using water to transfer the image from my printed sheet to a block of wood.3

Step Three: Transferring the image to wood

As I said, it would be easier to transfer my printed image to wood using something like Mod Podge, but I prefer the older method of using simple water in my process of de-digitization. The first problem is learning how to center your printed image on the block of wood. What I do is to draw what will ultimately become the black border on the surface of the wood. Typically, I go with a 1/2 inch border, and here I draw lines for each side of the woodblock into which I will place my image.

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Next, I center the printed image to the border lines, and tape the top securely to the woodblock.

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My next step is to use a paintbrush to coat the surface of the woodblock with a thin layer of water.

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One trick I have learned while doing this process several dozen times is to then lightly wipe away the excess water with your hand. The water transfer process can be tricky. If you use too little water, you will not get a dark enough transfer; if you use too much water, the ink will start to run and you will end up with an un-useable blob.

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The next step is to make sure your printed copy does not move around too much on the board as you slowly go over the entire surface with a spoon. You want to rub firmly in a circular pattern over each detail of the image.

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Since I had not carved in select pine in a while and had been using the much denser poplar, I did not put quite enough water on this block, but, as it was a relatively simple design, I got enough detail to make a useable transfer. Don’t worry if you mess up this step (and you probably will the first few times anyway), since you can always either try the other side of the board or sand the board down and try again.

Here is the transfer that I ended up with:

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If I had used just slightly more water, the transfer would have been much darker, but this was enough detail to make a decent woodcut. When the lines are light or where I did not apply enough pressure to transfer the ink, I use a fine tipped calligraphy marker to fill in spots that I want to make sure not to cut away.

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When starting off, I would recommend using the marker to go over any spots on the wood that you want to make sure not to cut away. It is easy to lose track of where you are cutting once you get a chisel in your hands and are hacking or carving your way through the block. The darker the details and the lines, the less likely you will be to cut away something that you want to keep.

Step Four: The carving

If you have some good quality tools like the PFEIL chisels I mentioned earlier, you will not need to worry as much about the directions of your cuts, but you do, as a rule, still want to try, where possible, to cut with the grain of the wood you carve. The better the tools and the sharper they are, the better they will do when cutting against the grain, but even then you will get some fraying or splintering in some places. With the Ramelson chisels, you will only want to cut against the grain when you absolutely need to, and you can use your Flexcut knives to cut the areas like curves or lines that go against the natural grain of the wood. This is especially true of a wood like pine. With higher quality and denser woods like poplar, they will be more difficult to cut, but you can cut against the grain with more confidence.

IMG_2650

With my PFEIL chisels, I typically start by marking out the borders of the negative space of the woodcut. The negative space in relief printing will appear white once the woodblock is inked and printed. The positive space is the original raised surface of the wood that remains once you are finished carving, and this will be the surface of the block that takes the ink and will appear as black. I typically begin by outlining the negative space with a boundary to cut down on the number of times a stray chisel will slip into the parts that I want to keep as a positive space. I start with the major outlines, and work my way to the more fine details. Once I have carved an outline to help protect my positive spaces, I then use one of my larger chisels to carve away anything that remains white (what will be the negative space of the finished print). I typically try to carve away from the central details of the print. This will help ensure that any stray marks will be in the border of the woodcut rather than in the central details.

IMG_2652

Once the major negative spaces are cleared away, I move onto the details. In this woodcut, it is the “face” of my symbol. To do this, I follow the same procedure by outlining the negative space and then carving out the interior. Whereas I typically try to carve away from the details of the positive space, here, I just carved with the grain and towards the center of the negative spaces.

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Once I have the central details carved out, I then switch to my finer chisels and work on the borders around my text boxes.

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As you can see, when I began cutting against the grain, I got some splintering as I cut. Not to worry, however, I will get to a new trick that I have discovered for repairing small errors while woodcutting, including this type of splintering and stray marks.

Which is good, because I also made a more grievous error while carving out the border.

IMG_2659

With the splitting I was getting on the border, I tried to mitigate it by sharpening my tools.

Step Four A: Sharpening my tools

While some splintering while cutting against the grain is unavoidable, I sharpened my 1 mm chisel to cut down on the amount. If you have a Flexcut SLIPSTROP, the process is fairly easy to hone a dulled chisel. As of yet, I still have not had to technically sharpen any of my chisels, but using the strop will hone them into a fine sharpness and doing so with regularity on a fine chisel like the PFEIL chisels should keep me from needed to sharpen them for quite some time.

First, you want to apply the provided compound (the yellow crayon-looking thing) onto one of the curved grooves on the back of the block. Since I am honing a small chisel, I use the smallest curved groove.

IMG_2660

Second, you run the chisel along the curved edges away from the chisel’s point in slow and steady motions, making sure that all of the surfaces of the chisel’s point have been polished.

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Third, you flip the block over, and run the interior edge of the chisel along the appropriate groove.

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That’s all there is to it, and you can get back to carving! While I still got a little splitting and splintering after honing my chisel, it did cut down on it quite a bit.

I will return to these errors in the next step, but, first, I turn to the lettering to see if I will have any more errors to correct.

IMG_2665

When I started woodcutting and using this border design, I did so because it was easier to carve letters as negative spaces rather than as positive spaces. As I have improved it would be easier now to carve my letters as positive spaces, but I keep to this form for two reasons. First, I simply find the white lettering and a black background more aesthetically pleasing. Second, I like the idea of making my words and lettering from absence rather than presence. The linguistic dimension of my woodcut design notes the absent presences that language signifies. Mystically reaching towards the realm of the real while at the same time never fully reaching it, language operates as a type of social magic that generates presence from a foundational absence; it generates a reality out of a lack of substance. This is the main reason I have chosen to keep carving the words out of my woodcuts even though it would be much easier at this point to simply carve them as letters.

Surprisingly, I didn’t make any major errors while cutting out the letters. With those negative spaces carved out, I’m ready to try to repair the splintering and the stray marks I have made while carving.

Step Five: Using KwikWood to clean up any errors

When I started making woodcuts and I made an error I thought I either had to live with them or start the whole process from the beginning. Recently, I discovered something that has been a real help to keep me from either letting those small errors go or cutting the whole thing again. What I discovered is called KwikWood. Initially, I thought I was only going to be able to find it at a specialty shop, but found out that any local hardware store will most likely carry it.  KwikWood is an epoxy that responds to chisels and sanding just like real wood after it hardens. You want to take the cylinder of epoxy from the package, remove the protective seal and slice off a very small amount from the end of the epoxy.

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Then you want to start mashing the bit you have sliced off into a ball. Keep pressing on the ball until the KwikWood blends into a uniform color.

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After the epoxy has been mixed thoroughly, you can then pull off small chunks to fill various errors, cracks, and splits.

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Then trim away the excess with a chisel or knife. You can wait until the KwikWood hardens, but for this instance it was just as easy to clear the excess while it was still wet.

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After all of the errors are corrected, you are ready to take your woodcut to press.

Step Six: Taking your woodcut to press

Before I started making woodcuts, helping to prompt my adventures in woodcutting, I built a printing press. While I have modified the press since I built it, I followed Charles G. Morgan’s wonderful free instructions for constructing a Bottle Jack Press.4

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First, you want to ink your print. While oil-based inks are preferable, I typically use Speedball water-soluble block printing ink because I can find it in larger quantities at the local art store, Texas Art Supply, and because the water-based ink serves for easier clean up. If you have a smaller tube, you want to squirt a small amount of ink onto a flat surface like a piece of glass or, what I have found incredibly useful, a Speedball Bench Hook/ Inking Plate. If you have one of the larger 16 fl. oz tubs that I listed above, you can use a scraper to dig a small amount of ink out of the vat, and apply it to your glass or inking plate.

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Next, you want to spread the ink as thinly as possible with a 2 inch scraper. After the ink is sufficiently thin, you will use a brayer to apply the ink to your block. Brayer is really just a fancy name for a rubber roller, and I currently use a Speedball 6 inch brayer. I started with the more readily available 4 inch brayer, but found that the more coverage in a single pass the better so I upped it to the 6 inch. Roll the brayer on your glass or inking pad just as you would with a paint roller, making sure that the brayer is evenly coated with a thin layer of ink. Once that is finished you are ready to apply the ink to the block itself.

IMG_2679

Roll your brayer over the entire surface, making sure all of the positive space receives ink. You will most likely need to re-ink your brayer several times over the course of this process. Eventually, your block will look like this:

IMG_2680

At this point, you want to check to make sure you have not forgotten to carve away anything that was supposed to be a negative space, and you can touch up any areas with your Flexcut knife or PFEIL chisels.5 Once you have checked and fixed anything you see, you are ready to center the block on a piece of paper. I typically lay out my paper close to the inking block in advance so as not to give the ink any chance to dry while it is on the block.

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Center the block as carefully as you can before dropping it on your piece of paper. Currently, I am using two different cotton papers, one a blend, and the other 100% cotton, both made by Southworth. The first is an Antique Laid 25% cotton paper that has faux chain lines, and the second is a Business 100% cotton ivory paper. The 100% cotton has a nice feel to it, but the antique look of the other gives it a nice look. It is tough to determine which to use, but for this print, I decided on the 100% cotton. These are the best papers I have found so far—that is until I can master the art of handmade rag paper.

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The good thing about printing on 8.5 x 11 inch paper is that since it will not fit neatly in an 8 x 10 inch frame, centering issues can be corrected when you cut the paper for your frame. Still, the more centered the better. After the block is applied to the paper, you want to carefully turn it over and use your spoon to trace the major details. This will help ensure that the more detailed portions of your print will take more ink in the pressing process.

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After rubbing the surface with a spoon, you are ready to take your woodcut to the press!

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I typically press my prints—especially the ones for sale—several times in different directions to make sure I have a dark and consistent print. In this instance, I did not do this for the first press and I will show the results of each type of pressing below. After your print has been pressed, you are ready for the reveal.

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And here are the results from the second heavily inked printing:

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Slowly peel back the paper from the block, and set it aside to dry.

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Water-soluble inks will dry relatively quickly (within a few hours), but oil-based inks should wait at least a full day or more.

Step Seven: The finished prints

Senseshaper Woodcut- First Printing

Senseshaper Woodcut- Heavy Inking

You can find more of my woodcuts in this earlier post, and feel free to visit my Etsy store if you want to buy any prints.

  1. You can see some of them here, or you can see them on the Etsy site.  (back)
  2. You can see an earlier gallery of my woodcuts here.  (back)
  3. I have yet to try Mod Podge, but I hear that you can get very detailed transfers to wood by using it. Personally, I prefer the water process because it is not as clear when the transfer is complete, allowing for more variation between the printed image and the woodcut the process will ultimately produce.  (back)
  4. I will add another post later concerning the modifications I have done to the original design, but Morgan’s instructions are great and will get you set up with a press for a little over $100.  (back)
  5. See my previous note on the chisels I actually use with frequency.  (back)
You can see some of them here, or you can see them on the Etsy site.
You can see an earlier gallery of my woodcuts here.
I have yet to try Mod Podge, but I hear that you can get very detailed transfers to wood by using it. Personally, I prefer the water process because it is not as clear when the transfer is complete, allowing for more variation between the printed image and the woodcut the process will ultimately produce.
I will add another post later concerning the modifications I have done to the original design, but Morgan’s instructions are great and will get you set up with a press for a little over $100.
See my previous note on the chisels I actually use with frequency.
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Posted in Fantasies, Silly Things, #WoodcutWednesday Tagged senseshaper, how to makle a woodcut, print making, handmade, dedigitize the archives, woodcuts, woodcut, art 2 Comments

The First Cuts are the Deepest: Senseshaper’s (Zachary Fisher’s) First Months of Woodcutting

This entry is part [part not set] of 1 in the series Senseshaper's Woodcuts

What started as a way to occupy myself as I grappled with whether or not I wanted to continue pursuing my PhD in Renaissance Literature from the University of Virginia has transformed into a mild obsession. As any of you know who are friends with me on Facebook or follow me on Twitter will know by now, about two months ago I started cutting wood.1 Even since my earlier post, I have improved my skills, have finally purchased professional grade tools, and have become a little more daring in my designs. This post will be composed of a collection of prints made during my first two months of my woodcutting hobby, and I hope I will continue to add similar posts every month to chart my progress and development.2

Some have encouraged my obsession and insanity by inquiring about buying prints. I have finally caved to the pressure and have set up an Etsy site, and you can find details about that site at the bottom of this post.3 But first, my first few months of woodcutting:

I. The early woodcuts

Woodcut Print, "I Want You," with Darth Vader as Uncle Sam. Classic propaganda.

Woodcut Print, “I Want You,” with Darth Vader as Uncle Sam. Classic propaganda.

Woodcut print, "Ren Lyfe: Player," from whiteboard woodblock. My first early modern subject featuring William Shakespeare.

Woodcut print, “Ren Lyfe: Player,” from whiteboard woodblock. My first early modern subject featuring William Shakespeare.

Woodcut Print. "Support Our Troops," from woodblock on Antique laid paper. Even the Galactic Empire and the Stormtroopers had their patriotic supporters.

Woodcut Print. “Support Our Troops,” from woodblock on Antique laid paper. Even the Galactic Empire and the Stormtroopers had their patriotic supporters.

Hemingway woodcut print, "I Love It When You Call Me Big Papa," from whiteboard woodblock.

Hemingway woodcut print, “I Love It When You Call Me Big Papa,” from whiteboard woodblock.

Woodcut print, "Keep Calm and Hobbesian Nature On," from whiteboard woodblock.

Woodcut print, “Keep Calm and Hobbesian Nature On,” from whiteboard woodblock.

Woodcut print, "Heisenberg: El Diablo Blanco" Breaking Bad wanted poster from whiteboard woodblock. This version in water based ink.

Woodcut print, “Heisenberg: El Diablo Blanco” Breaking Bad wanted poster from whiteboard woodblock. This version in water based ink.

Woodcut print, "Ideology: It's A Trap," from whiteboard woodblock.

Woodcut print, “Ideology: It’s A Trap,” from whiteboard woodblock.

Woodcut print, "Zizek: Ideology and So On," from whiteboard woodblock and printed in oil on 100% cotton paper.

Woodcut print, “Zizek: Ideology and So On,” from whiteboard woodblock and printed in oil on 100% cotton paper.

Woodcut print, "Nietzsche: I Teach You the Overman," from whiteboard woodblock, and printed in oil on 100% cotton paper.

Woodcut print, “Nietzsche: I Teach You the Overman,” from whiteboard woodblock, and printed in oil on 100% cotton paper.

Woodcut print, "Karl Marx: Fuck Your Class," from whiteboard woodblock and printed in oil on 100% cotton paper.

Woodcut print, “Karl Marx: Fuck Your Class,” from whiteboard woodblock and printed in oil on 100% cotton paper.

II. Real wood and getting better

Woodcut Print, "Beware the Cat," from poplar woodblock and printed in oil ink.

Woodcut Print, “Beware the Cat,” from poplar woodblock and printed in oil ink.

Woodcut print, "Benjaminian Grumpy Cat: Mechanical Reproduction," from choice pine woodblock and on Antique Laid cotton blend paper.

Woodcut print, “Benjaminian Grumpy Cat: Mechanical Reproduction,” from choice pine woodblock and on Antique Laid cotton blend paper.

Woodcut print, "Malcolm X: Come and Take It," from choice pine woodblock and in oil on 100% cotton paper.

Woodcut print, “Malcolm X: Come and Take It,” from choice pine woodblock and in oil on 100% cotton paper.

III. New tools and more experimentation

Woodcut print, "Obey Giant Capitalism; Or, Shepard Fairey is a Sellout," from choice pine woodblock, and printed in oil on 100% cotton paper.

Woodcut print, “Obey Giant Capitalism; Or, Shepard Fairey is a Sellout,” from choice pine woodblock, and printed in oil on 100% cotton paper.

Woodcut print, "Plague Doctor Mask: Et in Arcadia Ego," from choice pine woodblock, and printed in oil ink on 100% cotton paper.

Woodcut print, “Plague Doctor Mask: Et in Arcadia Ego,” from choice pine woodblock, and printed in oil ink on 100% cotton paper.

Woodcut print, "Guy Fawkes Anonymous Mask: All Your Base are Belong to Us," from choice pine woodblock, and printed in oil ink on 100% cotton paper.

Woodcut print, “Guy Fawkes Anonymous Mask: All Your Base are Belong to Us,” from choice pine woodblock, and printed in oil ink on 100% cotton paper.

Woodcut print, "Self-Portrait I: What's Your Phantasy," from poplar woodblock. Based on the ventricle man of Albertus Magnus and a partial copy of the ventricle man from The Noble Lyfe and Natures of Man.

Woodcut print, “Self-Portrait I: What’s Your Phantasy,” from poplar woodblock. Based on the ventricle man of Albertus Magnus and a partial copy of the ventricle man from The Noble Lyfe and Natures of Man.

Woodcut print, "Game of Thrones: Winter is Coming," from choice pine woodblock. Printed on Antique Laid paper.

Woodcut print, “Game of Thrones: Winter is Coming,” from choice pine woodblock. Printed on Antique Laid paper.

Woodcut print, "The Legend of Zelda," from choice pine woodblock, and printed on Antique Laid paper.

Woodcut print, “The Legend of Zelda,” from choice pine woodblock, and printed on Antique Laid paper.

IV. Christmas gifts

Risking becoming “that guy,” I decided to use my new hobby to make some homemade Christmas gifts for my wife and our family. My wife first asked me to make a woodcut of the University of Virginia’s (UVA’s) Rotunda, and it turned out much better than I’d hoped.

Woodcut prints of "The University of Virginia's (UVA) Rotunda" from whiteboard woodblock. The print was too large to get a high quality scan, so, for now, you will have to make due with this shot showing the print variations.

Woodcut prints of “The University of Virginia’s (UVA) Rotunda” from whiteboard woodblock. The print was too large to get a high quality scan, so, for now, you will have to make due with this shot showing the print variations.

I also wanted to make something for my wife, so I decided to make a woodcut for each state we have lived in either together or separately. The first, of Illinois, I made for my parents as a Christmas gift, but decided that they would look great as a set for my wife. I designed each first in Photoshop and then made a series of woodcuts featuring the state’s name nestled within the border of a state outline.

Woodcut print, "State Outlines: Illinois," from poplar woodblock.

Woodcut print, “State Outlines: Illinois,” from poplar woodblock.

Woodcut print, "State Outlines: Virginia," from poplar woodblock.

Woodcut print, “State Outlines: Virginia,” from poplar woodblock.

Woodcut print, "State Outlines: Ohio," from poplar woodblock.

Woodcut print, “State Outlines: Ohio,” from poplar woodblock.

Woodcut print, "State Outlines: Texas," from poplar woodblock.

Woodcut print, “State Outlines: Texas,” from poplar woodblock.

V. My first commission!

One of my wife’s friends saw the state outlines I made her, and offered me my first woodcut commission, making the state of North Carolina. If you like these and want to see me do one of your state, let me know and I can make one and put it up on my Etsy site.

Woodcut print, "State Outlines: North Carolina," from poplar woodblock on Antique Hand Laid paper.

Woodcut print, “State Outlines: North Carolina,” from poplar woodblock on Antique Hand Laid paper.

Visit my Etsy store.

For those of you who prefer the pure simulacra without an element of the Real:
Visit my Zazzle store.

  1. I discussed my early attempts in this post.  (back)
  2. Don’t worry though, this blog will still be populated by both digital essays on the early modern senses as well as the occasional absurdist early modern posts most likely involving GIFs, silly early modern memes, and ribaldry.  (back)
  3. Or you can click here to go directly to the Etsy shop now. It is still in development, but, if you so desire, you can order a selection of the prints I have made available. I’m willing to post others for sale, so if you see one that you want, just let me know either in an email or in the comments to this post, and I will post them for sale. I will also be digitizing my woodcuts and putting them up to my Zazzle store soon, so check there if you would prefer one of the woodcuts in T-Shirt form.  (back)
I discussed my early attempts in this post.
Don’t worry though, this blog will still be populated by both digital essays on the early modern senses as well as the occasional absurdist early modern posts most likely involving GIFs, silly early modern memes, and ribaldry.
Or you can click here to go directly to the Etsy shop now. It is still in development, but, if you so desire, you can order a selection of the prints I have made available. I’m willing to post others for sale, so if you see one that you want, just let me know either in an email or in the comments to this post, and I will post them for sale. I will also be digitizing my woodcuts and putting them up to my Zazzle store soon, so check there if you would prefer one of the woodcuts in T-Shirt form.
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Posted in Silly Things, Tangents, #WoodcutWednesday, Fantasies

“In my mind’s eye”: Species, Phantasms, Skepticism, and the Phantasy in Shakespeare’s Hamlet and in Early Modern Theater

Part I. “He thinks tis but our fantasy”: The Ontology and Epistemology of Ghosts and Spirits

In William Shakespeare’s Hamlet, the skeptical and possibly Stoic Horatio reveals to the melancholic eponymous prince that he has seen a phantasm. Before Horatio can even reveal his harrowing yet problematic tale of seeing a “form like [Hamlet’s] father,” Hamlet declares, “my father–methinks I see my father” (Shakespeare Hamlet I.ii. 83). Despite Horatio’s apparent skepticism during and following his encounter with the phantasm of Old Hamlet, one senses apprehension in his uneasy response, “O where, my lord?” (84). Horatio, who, along with Barnardo and Marcellus, witnesses the appearance of a phantasm resembling the dead king in the first scene, confronts a melancholic prince who reports encountering another type of phantasm “in [his] mind’s eye” (84) of that same dead king in the second. Both visions present types of phantasm, and both relate to the faculty of the phantasy or imagination and to theories that explained ordinary as well as aberrant perception through phantasms or species. The two forms constitute different species of species or phantasm, but, in many theories of perception and cognition current in the later sixteenth century, they correlate and depend upon a similar explanatory system. While commentary assigned the phantasy an important role in mentally picturing objects or people that were not present before a perceiver, it also assigned the phantasy a special role in explanations of aberrant perception including those generated by a polluted body and those caused by witches and devils sometimes thought responsible for visions of the dead. Discourses on both of these forms of aberrant perception and on hallucination developed their explanatory systems through similar paradigms of the early modern sensorium, depending heavily upon a specific construction of the imagination or phantasy and the types of objects in which it mediated. We have two types of phantasms here that can be interpreted in a variety of ways, but those two types of phantasm or species might be closer than they initially appear.

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Hamlet encounters the Ghost of his father.1

Though largely ignored in early modern criticism, nearly every text explaining some aspect of perception and simple cognition in the sixteenth century draws upon the quasi-Aristotelian construction of the sensorium and often upon the Thomistic and Baconian notions of the species or phantasms to explain sensation, perception, and at minimum simple thought.2 This is true of the medical tradition as they crop up in authors as diverse as Andre du Laurens to Ambroise Paré, to Johann Weyer, to Helkiah Crooke, to Robert Burton. It is also true of discourses of demonology and witchcraft from Heinrich Kramer and Jakob Sprenger to Johann Weyer, to Reginald Scot, to King James. It is equally true, I argue, of literary texts which produced and were produced by these other traditions as explanatory systems within their pages or within their performances. I have already discussed their importance in some speeches from William Shakespeare’s A Midsummer Night’s Dream, and, in this post, I turn to his Hamlet.3

What does separate the two and the objects in both visions, those of Hamlet I.i. and I.ii.? We have a Ghost. We have Hamlet’s report of an image of his deceased father in his phantasy or imagination. One we see on the stage. The other remains forever invisible, inaccessible, and illusory. Both species or phantasms seem distinct and separable phenomena, but, if we look at discourses the sensorium and discourses on witchcraft in the sixteenth century in conjunction, we begin to see resemblances between Old Hamlet’s two types of appearance within the play. The phenomenon Horatio experiences in I.i. has external confirmation, certifying that his experience did not derive solely from his own mind, but Horatio remains reluctant to account the apparition a true spirit or ghost of the dead king. With the second type in the second scene, Hamlet knowingly pictures the dead king, his father, in his mind’s eye. While Hamlet’s mental phantasm of his dead father can only be revealed through Hamlet’s oral report, it is perfectly reasonable to assume that the character does indeed retain a phantasm of his father that, while supplemented by his private phantasy, conforms to and was produced by the actual presence of his Old Hamlet. Both discourses on the sensorium and those on witchcraft often draw from theories of the species, and both offer sometimes differing accounts about what actually happens when someone witnesses the appearance of a spectre, but both also typically rely upon the same underlying quasi-Aristotelian theory of sensation to explain both theories. Some authors accepted the real presences of ghosts and spirits, but many more, at least by the late sixteenth century, seem to question their reality, thinking them as Horatio initially does, as nothing “but… fantasy” (I.i. 21). While some allowed for the appearance of actual spirits of the dead, those ghosts are often discussed as appearing within the phantasy or imagination by offering or manipulating the species or phantasms within the faculty. Rather than the King’s two bodies, Hamlet presents us with the King’s two phantasms. While tangentially touching on the frisson caused by the death of the king’s natural body, the play also presents us with two of his phantasms.

The objects of the phantasy, the phantasms, like the sensible species to which they were related, had an in-between status and played important roles in mediating the relationship between the external and internal senses. If we turn to Kramer and Sprenger’s Malleus Maleficarum, heavily dependent as it is on Thomas Aquinas, we find an explanation of demonic manipulation through the senses in general and the phantasy in particular. Kramer and Sprenger deploy the popular form of the quasi-Aristotelian and Thomistic theory of the sensorium to explain the effects not only of delusions generated from melancholy in the phantasy, but also those directly caused by some malevolent spiritual force. Just as melancholic spirits could enter and influence the sensorium by generating false species or phantasms, so too, according to the witch-hunting pair, malevolent and benevolent spirits could enter the spirits of the brain and alter them. The point of vulnerability was either the weak external senses themselves or, and far more often referred to, the unreliable phantasy within the internal sense. As their Malleus Maleficarum puts it,

For Fancy or imagination is as it were the treasury of ideas received through the senses. And through this It happens that devils so stir up the inner perceptions, that is the power of conserving images, that they appear to be a new impression at that moment received from exterior things. (Kramer and Sprenger 50).

Here, the spirits of the brain are susceptible not only to the influence of the material of the body, but also to the influence of another form of spirit. The main point of attack for both the matter of the body but also the forces of the immaterial supernatural realm converges in the phantasy. Both the body and the spiritual realm can exploit the vulnerability of the faculty to produce delusions or illusions, making one experience something that is not there. It is this paradoxical paramaterial nature of the faculty, its spirits, and its objects that generate the potential for doubting the reliability of perception and of experience.

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The Oculus Imaginationis (The Eye of the Imagination) as found on the title page of Tractatus One, Section Two, Portion Three on the Ars Memoria in Robert Fludd’s Utriusque cosmi maioris scilicet et minoris metaphysica, physica atqve technica historia : in duo volumina secundum cosmi differentiam diuisa (1617).4

At the same time, not much separates the objects of delusion from those of actual perception. As Kramer details just before launching into his explanation of supernatural influence on the sensorium, the theory of ordinary perception relied heavily upon the central placement of the phantasy or imagination which received the impressions of objects. As they say,

It is to be noted that Aristotle (De Somno et Uigilia) assigns the cause of a[[aritions in dreams through local motion to the fact that, when an animal sleeps the blood flows to the inmost seat of the senses, from which descend motions or impressions which remain from past impressions preserved in the mind or inner perception; and these are Fancy or Imagination, which are the same thing according to S. Thomas. (Kramer and Sprenger 50).

The same structure of the sensorium explains the sequence of impressions that convert a material external object into something more immaterial that can interact with a perceiver’s immaterial soul. Sensation, perception, vivid pictures of past impressions, dreams, and delusions caused either by the natural body or by supernatural forces all made inroads within an individual perceiver through the open and vulnerable phantasy.

Horatio, who says the Ghost “…is but [Marcellus and Barnardo’s] fantasy,/ And will not let belief take hold of him” (I.i. 21-22) until he must admit that it is “something more than fantasy” (52) after he witnesses its appearance for himself, proclaims,

Before my God, I might not this believe
Without the sensible and true avouch
Of mine own eyes. (54-56).

Horatio and the soldiers maintain a distinction between the “fantasy” and perceived reality. Only Horatio’s “sensible and true avouch” of his “own eyes” can convince him of the truth of their previous report of the apparition. While the three maintain a distinction between a “fantasy” and reality, the case becomes much less clear when we explore the two in contemporary accounts of the sensorium. The phantasy was tasked with creating vain fantasies from the substances stored in the memory, but it was also responsible for the processing of ordinary perception, the very matter and source of Horatio’s “sensible and true avouch.” The matter becomes even more difficult when we also examine contemporary discourses on ghosts and spirits which also were thought to operate through the gate of the phantasy. While the three maintain a binary between the fictitious fantasy and true perception, the case might not be as clear as one might think.

Equally unstable is the distinction between matter and spirit, between bodies and souls, between appearance and illusion. While the soldiers’ “fantasies” are supposedly as substanceless as the Ghost they report, both actually are granted a material reality in contemporary accounts of the sensorium. Even the products of delusion within the faculty were granted a paradoxical nature that sat somewhere between the material and the immaterial. Neither wholly material nor wholly immaterial, neither wholly external nor wholly internally derived, the two types of species or phantasms, in their paradoxes, generate epistemological problems, but, by comparing the two, we can also see underlying similarities between them and their positions within similar early modern theories of the sensorium. It is this quasi-material aspect of both the senses and their objects that prompts me to coin the term “paramaterial,” which allows me to discuss the conflicts and contradictions embodied in early modern ontology and epistemology. While not a contemporary term, I do think it captures the paradoxes of the early modern embodied mind and helps expose the ways in which the individual perceiver was thought to engage with the world at a sensory level.

In the second Quarto, Horatio speaks a speech not found in the Folio of the same play. While of questionable authorship, the lines compare interestingly to the image of Old Hamlet Hamlet reports possessing in his mind’s eye or phantasy. When speculating about the meaning of this “portentious figure … so like the King” (106.2-106.3), Horatio calls it “a mote it is to trouble the mind’s eye” (106.5). While the Ghost has been confirmed as something more than “fantasy,” it’s persistence in the phantasy takes on a seemingly in-between nature of the Ghost itself. It is a “mote,” a substance, but a miniscule substance so small as to be close to lacking substance at all. In contrast to the vain fantasy that Horatio suspected the apparition of being, it has a quasi-substantial nature, and one that persists in the quasi-matter of the brain, its spirits. The paradoxical nature of the phantasy and its objects bridged the divide between the material and immaterial, the world and soul, the natural and the supernatural, but it was a bridge that was potentially fraught with ontological and epistemological trolls lurking just beneath. Once early moderns abandoned Galenic medicine and quasi-Aristotelian constructions of the sensorium, this bridge would be washed away for good, leaving a gulf between the world and a perceiver.

While I do think much more of a connection between a perceiver and her world was secured through theories of the paramaterial mind, there were other ways in which ontological and epistemological questions could emerge. The problem of the species or phantasms and the difficulty in determining with certainty the true from false perceptual impressions led to important ontological and epistemological questions well before the time of Descartes.5 Epistemological problems emerge from within these earlier (paramaterial or quasi-Aristotelian and Thomistic) systems that allows for both the possibility of actual spirits and for the persistence of phantasms in the mind that an individual can experience as being present. While Hamlet in the early portion of the play clearly does not confuse the image in his mind’s eye with actual presence and while the phantasm always-already has a subjective component, that phantasm still maintains a link—and, in some versions, I would argue a substantial link—between his mental image and the physical reality of his father.6 As many natural philosophers pointed out, an abundance of melancholy in the body’s “spirits” could produce experiences in which phenomena occurring entirely within the mind could be experienced as occurring without the mind.

The problem, for early modern philosophical skeptics, was that such potential for confusion emerged from a paramaterial model that implicitly or explicitly accounted the image in the phantasy as essentially the same object. A particularly vivid imagination could produce images that, when pulled from the recesses of memory, could trick the external senses into experiencing their appearance as a true report.7 This was supposedly especially true of melancholics who had an abundance of black bile in their substance and spirits. Speaking of the appearance of “black forms” to melancholic people, the English translation of the French physician Andre du Laurens explains that things within the eye or within the mind can be seen as if they existed without in his treatise on melancholy. He says,

The melancholike partie may see that which is within his owne braine, but under another forme, because that the spirits and blacke vapours continually passe by the sinewes, veines and arteries, from the braine unto the eye, which causeth it to see many shadowes and untrue apparitions in the aire, whereupon from the eye the formes thereof are conveyed unto the imagination, which being continualie served with the same dish, abideth continuallie in feare and terror. (Du Laurens 92).

The forms from within the brain can be taken as if they were true presences, especially in the melancholic phantasy, but this extended as well to other complexions as well. The false sights could further misinform the reasoning capacity, since reason depended upon the phantasy’s objects for its working. These types of false report could even undermine the “Captain” of the mind, reason. As the English edition has it,

The imaginative facultie doth represent and set before the intellectuall, all the objects which she hath received from the common sence, making report of whatsoever is discovered of the spies abroad: upon which reports the intellectuall or understanding part of the minde, frameth her conclusions, which are often false, the imagination making untrue reports. For as the most prudent and carfeull Captaines undertake very oft the enterprises which prove foolish and fond, and that because of false advertisement: even so reason doth often make but foolish discourses, having been misse-informed by a fayned fantasie. (Du Laurens 74).

The phantasy could trouble the proper workings of the human reason, and it was precisely because of the conflicted and paradoxical nature of the faculty and its objects that produced epistemological problems.

These natural accounts, drawing from Galenic humoralism, tend toward closing the perceiver from the world by casting mental objects with more of a subjective component and taint. It is for this reason that I, in part, contrast these relatively closed-off natural accounts with the openness of paramaterial theories by calling them perimaterial. While it is my contention that theories of a truly closed-off perceiver did not come into full emergence in the West until well after the discovery of the retinal image, I do this to contrast the medical and natural accounts which emphasized a subjective component to all perception with paramaterial ones which emphasized more of an openness to the world, both in terms of the natural and the supernatural worlds.

The epistemological problem available within this model derives from the fact that the mental phantasms or images retained an ontological connection to their originals. The memory of a particular person included sensory data and phantasms or species that mimetically reproduced external reality. While the subjective reception and response to a particular phantasm differed among perceivers, the phantasm included the attributes of its external causal agent or object, containing within it a mimetic copy of sensible reality. Despite the repeated emphasis on the conformity of mental and external objects, the phantasy still colored its phantasms with a subjective taint. As du Laurens has it, reason could be “misse-informed by a fayned fantasie,” not only when experiencing forms of things not actually present, but also in the immediate reactions to ordinary and immediate sensation of a perceptual phenomenon. Evaluations of “good and bad” and “pleasant or painful,” in many popular sixteenth century theories of perception and cognition, depended upon the “Captain,” reason, who evaluated and kept the phantasy or imagination under its control.8 Such evaluations could “color” perception, just as a colored lens could alter the appearance of objects or the entire phenomenological field.

Freud distinguishes mourning from melancholia based on the nature of the lost object and the extent to which mourning includes a self-loathing. In the case of ordinary grief, the distraught feelings that result from the loss of a person emerge from a subject releasing its libidinal attachment to that object. In melancholia, a similar grief emerges from a subject even if a specific object cannot be located or determined whether by the subject herself or by others. The mourner and the melancholic remain passionately attached to an object or objects, even if, in the case of a more general melancholia, that causal object cannot be identified.9

If I am correct about the way sixteenth-century popular thought cast the perceptual process as something I call paramaterial, then Hamlet’s phantasm in I.ii. retains a connection to its originary cause, his father’s person. In sixteenth and early seventeenth century theories of melancholy, the melancholic “fixated” or “doted” upon a limited number of objects. As du Laurens conventionally treats in his fourth chapter, early moderns thought that “melancholike persons have all of them their particular and altogether diverse objects whereupon they dote” (Du Laurens 96). In this case, the phantasm of Hamlet’s father might literally occupy the paramaterial spirits of his brain, while at the same time retaining some connection to the physical presence of his father that was the original cause of the phantasm stored in Hamlet’s memory. I do not want to say that even in the most extreme form of the paramaterial I am sketching here that the retained phantasm was solely the product of the external object. While I do think it retained a connection to its extra-mental original in many theories, it was always-already noted that those mental objects were shaped in substantial ways by a perceiving subject.

With any perceived phenomena, the individual perceiver “colors” perception. This is true of even the most simple form of direct perception. Things become even murkier when considering memories or subjective evaluations, especially memories of something so wrapped up in personal experience like the memory of dead fathers. From a modern perspective, nothing connects the sensory system to the mental processes, but such was not the case in many pre- and early modern systems of perception. While Hamlet might idealize his father and his impressions and evaluations might be colored through his personal phantasy, in many accounts of the sensory system, something linked the perceptual apparatus to cognition. Even if much of what someone thought had a personal tinge or taint, some kernel of the real was theoretically mediated through the sensorium.

As Freud himself would argue, Hamlet idealizes his father. He seems, to Hamlet, the paragon of “man” whose death has led to the loss of the very category of “man.” It is Hamlet, significantly, who is the first to “call” the apparition his father, even if he continues to doubt and test his own perception and interpretation of the phenomena. Whereas Horatio, Barnardo, and Marcellus are more content to call the Ghost a “thing” (I.i. 19), an “apparition” (I.i. 26), “like the King” (I.i. 41) and an “illusion” (I.i. 108), Hamlet says to this “questionable shape, “I’ll call thee Hamlet,/ King, father, royal Dane” (I.iv. 25-26). While remaining skeptical of whether or not it is a true spirit, Hamlet nevertheless calls it his father, whereas Horatio remains much more skeptical of its import and significance.

Hamlet himself, who sees his father as “a man” which he “shall not look upon his like again” (I. ii. 186–187), the image in his mind’s eye continues to have a direct relationship to the man itself through the system of the sensitive soul. The phantasm of his father in his mind’s eye, or phantasy, remains connected to the phantasm stored his memory, the original of which was created by the actual person of his father. Less clear, however, is the “marvel” witnessed by Horatio, Marcellus, Barnardo and ultimately by Hamlet himself. This ghostly apparition presents an alternate side of debates on the faultiness and vulnerability of perception available to early modern theories of perception. In the play, it remains unclear whether or not an apparition appears solely to the sense or if it is either conjured by a demonic or angelic presence within the minds of the witnesses. Since the initial appearance of the ghost occurs to multiple people (and, as I shall discuss below, significantly to the audience as well), it would seem that its presence is external in origin, but the problem here is that some theorists of demonology suggested that the devil’s influence could produce mass hallucination by directly altering either the visual species presented to the external senses or by altering the phantasy of observers together in a collective hallucination.

For some, perceived angelic, demonic, or ghostly apparitions resulted from a disordered melancholic phantasy. Such explanations became standard within medical discourses from around the mid-sixteenth century onwards. Characteristic of this explanatory system was du Laurens, who argues that many of these appearances were of this order. Outside of the early modern medical tradition, however, others allow and acknowledge presences that exceed the natural as true, but often question whether those apparitions were actually the souls of the dead. The German Ludwig Lavater, in his Of Ghostes and Walking Sprites (1572), a popularly reprinted English translation that William Shakespeare might have consulted, posited that unusual specters could appear, but denied that they could ever be the actual souls of the dead. For Lavater, the phantasms were either angels or demons that took on the form or guise of the departed rather than the spirits of the dead in and of themselves. Lavater devotes a great amount of time to answering how one can determine whether a particular apparition was either demonic or angelic in nature, devotes the second part of his treatise to “discusse what manner of things they are, that is, not the souls of dead men, as some men have thought, but either good or evil Angels, or else some secrete and hid operations of God” (Lavater Author’s Epistle Sig b.ii.r). Lavater largely leaves aside the question of whether or not they have a true presence, but does argue that such apparitions are decidedly not the souls of the deceased.10

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Hamlet tempted to follow the ghost who looks like his father in an eighteenth century engraving.11

Cautioning against malicious devils who assume a pleasing shape to delude and tempt observers, Lavater states that the only real way to know if a spirit is good or bad is to consider the nature of their requests. Lavater applies first John to the realm of ghosts and spirits, saying,

Saint John saith in hys first Epistle and fourth chapter: Dearly beeloved, beleeve not every spirit, but trie the spirits whether they are of God: for many false Prophetes are gone out into the world. Heereby shall yee knowe the spirit of God. Every spirit that confesseth yt Jesus Christ is come in the flesh, is of God, and every spirite whiche confesseth not, that Jesus Chryst is come in the flesh, is not of God, etc. Heere he speaketh not of spirites which falsly affirme themselves to be mens soules, but of those teachers whiche boaste of themselves that they have the spirite of God. But in case we must not beeeve them being alive, much lesse ought we to credite them when they are dead. (Lavater 203).

In addition to speaking correctly of God, a good angel will request positive actions from an observer while evil spirits will request the performance of evil deeds. Old Hamlet’s demand for vengeance, from something like Lavater’s standpoint, would tend towards the demonic. From such a vantage point, the ghost’s demand for revenge serves as an even more effective way to damn Hamlet’s soul by encouraging blood vengeance against his uncle than in “tempt[ing him] toward the flood” (I.iv. 50) in the way Horatio warns Hamlet against. Shakespeare provides very little clarification of the matter by only allowing Old Hamlet to speak directly to Hamlet, without the confirming observation and experience of witnesses.

Since the only time the ghost appears again onstage with a potential witness is during the closet scene where Hamlet speaks “with th’ incorporal air” (III.iv. 109), Gertrude can neither see nor hear it, the exact nature of the ghost remains ambiguous and complicated. If the initial appearance was a mass delusion of the order discussed in witchcraft discourses, either Gertrude is hindered from receiving the sensible species of the apparition, or Hamlet’s encounter occurs, like the earlier image of his father in “his mind’s eye,” only in the phantasy. This is, of course, not to say that Hamlet is necessarily delusional here, but the ambiguity involved here does expose the problems inherent in the role of the phantasy in sixteenth century constructions and the way that those problems could generate skeptical potential.

 

II. “Is not this something more than fantasy”: The Epistemological and Skeptical Potential of Paramaterial Phantasms

Classical Stoics had attempted to ensure the certainty and reliability of ordinary perception by creating two distinct types of perceptual phenomenon, cataleptic and acataleptic. The first, cataleptic perception, accounted for perception that occurred in the presence of an external object, while the second, acatleptic perception, accounted for perceptual phenomena occurring in the absence of an external object. For the Stoics, delusions fell into the category of acaleptic impressions, which being considered distinct from cataleptic impressions, did not question the reliability of perception or the knowledge available through the senses. Instead, reason could recognize and account for their divergence from supposed reality. Skeptics, however, challenged the separation; arguing that, in essence, all perception is acataleptic, or, at best, could not be entirely distinct from cataleptic ones. Skeptics like Sextus Empiricus could argue that since there was not an external judge of the matter, one needed to suspend judgment.

In an early modern expurgated English translation and adaptation of Sextus Empiricus, sometimes attributed to Sir Walter Ralegh alone, the phantasy becomes a central focal point for skeptical questions and questioning. While not stating it directly, the phantasy comes to play a central role in many of the aberrant perceptions that help unsettle the certainty available to humans through the senses. While Sextus and Ralegh’s adaptation, the Sceptick, never mention supernatural manipulation, it does draw from Galenic medicine to undermine the reliability of ordinary perception. Again, melancholy becomes the main culprit.

Title page detail from Burton's The Anatomy of Melancholy.

Title page detail from Burton’s The Anatomy of Melancholy.12

Melancholy was the humor traditionally associated with madmen. Capable of producing delusions and hallucinations, when in over-abundance, the humor was a dangerous one even with its positive associations with genius, literary or otherwise.13 For skeptics, the type of melancholic delusion undermined the reliability of the senses precisely because there was not an objective and impartial way to determine which impression was correct. Stoics attempted to use melancholy to separate cataleptic from acataleptic impressions, likening delusions to powerful imaginings of absent objects.14 For skeptics, rather than solidifying a strict binary opposition between ordinary and aberrant perception, the moments of recognizable failure or diversity of opinions on a particular matter of dispute question the reliability of perception and judgment in its presumed “normal” state. As Raleigh puts it,

If then it be so, that there be such differences in Men, this must be by reason of the divers temperatures they have, and divers disposition of their conceit and imagination; for, if one hate, and another love the very same thing, it must be that their phantasies differ, else all would love it, or all would hate it. These Men then, may tell how these things seem to them good, or bad; but what they are in their own Nature they cannot tell. (Raleigh 23-24).

The “diverse temperatures” and “divers disposition[s] of their conceit[s] and imagination[s],” produce different impressions, but, unlike the Stoics or other “Dogmatiques,” this does not give a basis for providing a way to determine the relative truth of one over the other for the skeptic. Instead, the variation compels questions about the reliability of all perception. Because of this, the skeptic is not led to a judgment apart from knowing the limitations of his own position, leaving the skeptic with only a “report” rather than “truth.” As Raleigh’s Sceptick concludes, “I may then report, how these things appear, but whether they are so indeed, I know not” (Raleigh 31). Whereas the Stoics tried to clearly distinguish cataleptic and acataleptic impressions, the skeptics saw no such clear separation. Instead, nearly all sensory information was potentially acataleptic in nature, and that it was therefore necessary to suspend judgment on the certainty available through them.

Ralegh’s Sceptick begins by probing what it sees as a false dichotomy between human and non-human animals. For the text, as it was for Sextus’ Outlines from which much of the Sceptick is lifted, the form and natures of the external senses, their “temperatures” of various forms of sentient life, and the condition and quality of their internal senses, produce different impressions that the phantasy or imagination received and upon which reason and judgment depended. As the Sceptick puts it,

if the instruments of Sence in the body be observed … we shall find … that as these instruments are affected and disposed, so doth the Imagination conceit (sic) that which by them is connexed unto it. (Raleigh 3–4)­.

For this text and for Sextus’ Outlines before it, the external senses were vulnerable to misapprehension which could shape the impression offered to the phantasy, since “according to the diversitie of the eye … offereth it unto the phantasie” (Raleigh 6), but so too could the phantasy alter the impressions of its own accord, depending upon the temperament of the perceiver as well as upon the related quality and condition of the spirits filling the brain. Both the external and the internal senses could alter the forms which they received, and both were locked in a mutual embrace of sense shaping, especially at the point of their meeting in the faculty of the imagination or the phantasy.15 Both exerted a shaping influence on the species or phantasms originating in the forms of external objects, and both could generate and support skeptical arguments about the nature of reality and of the availability of certatinty.

While classical to sixteenth-century philosophical skeptics rarely mention the delusions caused by the devil, they too contain skeptical potential. Within the discourses of demonic influence, the skeptical logic could follow suit. This is precisely the logic involved in seventeenth-century French polymath, Rene Descartes, followed when he developed his thought experiment of the evil demon. As Descartes has it,

I will suppose therefore that not God, who is supremely good and the source of truth, but rather some malicious demon of the utmost power and cunning has employed all his energies in order to deceive me. I shall think that the sky, the air, the earth, colours, shapes, sounds and all external things are merely delusions of dreams which he has devised to ensnare my judgement. I shall consider myself as not having hands or eyes, or flesh, or blood or senses, but as falsely believing that I have all these things. I shall stubbornly and firmly persist in this meditation; and, even if it is not in my power to know any truth, I shall at least do what is in my power, that is, resolutely guard against assenting to any falsehoods, so that the deceiver, howsoever powerful and cunning he may be, will be unable to impose on me in the slightest degree. But this is an arduous undertaking, and a kind of laziness brings me back to normal life. I am like a prisoner who is enjoying an imaginary freedom while asleep; as he begins to suspect that he is asleep, he dreads being woken up, and goes along with the pleasant illusion as long as he can. In the same way, I happily slide back into my old opinions and dread being shaken from them, for fear that my peaceful sleep may be followed by hard labour when I wake, and that I shall have to toil not in the light, but amid the inextricable darkness of the problems I have now raised. (Rene Descartes Translated by Cottingham 79).

Though I am not aware of direct earlier English skeptical texts which deal with demonic delusion, the instances of it provide potential for skeptical questions and concerns. If the natural could influence and shape sense in such a way as to undermine the certainty of perception and judgment, so too could the belief that the devil or his forces could also shape sense. Descartes’ evil demon thought experiment draws such conclusions to an extreme point, and Descartes therefore makes more explicit the skeptical potential already encoded in representations and discussions of demonic deception and illusion.

The Frontispiece to the 1620 edition of Marlowe’s Doctor Faustus.16

Descartes’ evil demon has foundations in the discourses of the previous century. In the mid-sixteenth century, the Swiss physician Johann Weyer offered a Galenic account of the delusions commonly associated with demons, devils, and witches. For Weyer, nearly all forms of such delusion resulted from an overabundance of melancholy in the body and especially in the spirits of the brain. The most “vulnerable to the demons’ arts and illusions,” were the melancholics. Of the most likely to be attacks,

Melancholics are of this sort, as are persons distressed because of loss or for any other reason, as Chrysostom says: “The magnitude of their grief is more potent for harm than all the activities of the Devil, because all whom a demon overcomes, he overcomes through grief.” (Weyer 180).

While never denying the existence of demonic forces in the world, Weyer did provide an explanatory system that allowed for readings of some forms of delusion typically attributed to Witches and demonic forces to natural causes. The idea was not a particularly new idea even if the scope of his arguments included many forms of aberrant perception that for others fell under the purview of witchcraft and demonology. Weyer goes on to describe the devil’s powers over the body in terms that are not all that dissimilar from the ways in which Kramer and Sprenger describe them. Weyer details that a devil

…may assume some attractive form, or variously agitate and corrupt the thoughts and the imagination, until finally these people agree with his proposals, give way to his persuasion, and believe whatever he puts into their minds, as though bound by treaty—depending on his will and obeying him. They think that everything that he suggests is true, and they are devoutly confident that all the forms imposed by him upon their powers of imagination and fantasy exist truly and ‘substantially’ [in the theological sense] (if I may use this word). Indeed, they cannot do otherwise, since from the time of their first assent he has corrupted their mind with empty images, lulling or stirring to this task the bodily humors and spirits, so that in the way he introduces certain specious appearances into the appropriate organs, just as if they were occurring truly and externally; and he does this not only when people sleep, but also when they are awake. In this manner, certain things are thought to exist or to take place outside of the individual, which in fact are not real and do not take place, and often do not even exist in the natural world. (Weyer 181).

Weyer offers a more natural and material account of the delusions of devils, but also exposes the vulnerabilities to which early moderns attributed to the paradoxical phantasy. Even witch hunters Kramer and Sprenger acknowledged the possibility that natural causes resulted in some of the perceived phenomena, but part of their task was to separate the false from those of true demonic influence.

The most critical of demonic visions in the period was the English Reginald Scot, who, like and following Weyer saw most “demonic influence” as the effect of melancholy on the phantasy. Countering demonologist and theologian Jean Bodin for his attack on Weyer, Scot states,

But bicause I am no physician, I will set a physician to him; namely Erastus, who hath these words, to wit, that these witches, through their corrupt phantasie abounding with melancholike humors, by reason of their old age, doo dreame and imagine they hurt those things which they neither could nor doo hurt; and so thinke they knowe an art, which they neither have learned nor yet understand. (Scot 33).

Though he discusses the delusions of witches in particular in the above, the same holds for the melancholic visions of the dead and of other supposedly supernatural occurrences according to Scot. Though even more extreme than Weyer, Scot too never fully denies the presence and influence of the occult and the spiritual altogether. He, too, acknowledges their influence even if he, like Weyer, was condemned by James Stuart for supposedly doing so. The spiritual influence upon perception and upon thought, even for a skeptical challenger like Scot, was taken for granted in popular vernacular treatises. Though melancholic influence could explain many cases, it was not an exhaustive explanatory system. Even by the time of Robert Burton in the 1620s, explanations of the senses and of melancholy referred to demonic influence. All remain linked to discussions of the “reality” of spectral presences.17

In this way, the lack of certainty regarding the nature and significance of Old Hamlet in the opening scene of Shakespeare’s play takes on new importance and significance. The play opens with questions about the nature and meaning of the ghost. The anxiety and uncertainty of the Danish state relates to the anxiety and uncertainty generated by the ghost’s appearance. Something is, after all, rotten in the state of Denmark. Lavater, who claims that true spirits cannot return from the grave, also conjoins anxieties over politics and the appearance of specters when he claims that phantasms who appear dressed in full armor actually speak to alterations of the state and political turmoil. Lavater notes that in

… the Court of Mattheus, surnamed the great Sheriff of the City, in the Evening after sun set, there was seen a man far exceeding common stature, sitting on a horse in complete amour: who when he had been there seen of many, by the space of an hour, in the end vanished away to the great terror of those that beheld him… Not long after, Henry the seventh Emperor, departed this life, to the utter undoing of all the Sheriffs.” (Lavater 68).

According to Lavater, armed apparitions foretell of turmoil within and alterations of state. Something is rotten in Denmark as it is under present threat of attack by Fortinbras’ army, who seems to have set his sights on Claudius to test his power thinking that Claudius’ “state to be disjoint and out of frame” (I.ii. 20), even as the former ruler’s spirit seemingly rises from his rotten and rotting body. Horatio, initially skeptical that the ghost even exists, wonders, without stating his queries in such terms, whether its appearance constitutes an acataleptic impression, existing only within the heads and minds of Barnardo and Marcellus.

Such issues are not necessarily new, being one of the most popular undergraduate discussion topics for seemingly as long as there have been Shakespeare courses, but framing the issue through a discussion of early modern theories of the sensorium brings to light how the two phenomena were related and similarly conceived and constructed in the period. While it cannot answer whether the ghost is true or false, a true spirit or a devil, or if it is a product of Hamlet’s madness, examining the theory of the senses allows us to see a range of responses available within the period. This framework allows us to see the multitude of ways in which this theory of the senses generated the potential for early modern skepticism well before Descartes, even if Descartes explicitly addressed and amplified their skeptical potential.18 Additionally, these issues bring into relief problems inherent in the nature of the stage itself in earlier theories of perception, and sheds light on some of the Protestant fears and anxieties regarding the potential of fictions in general and of the stage in particular.

Even if Lavater might not be a direct “source” of Hamlet in a traditional sense, an early modern audience member familiar with the popular Of Ghostes and Spirites Walking by Night (1572) would have a sense that all might not turn out well for the Danish power by the play’s end. Such a reading might have an even broader base even for those unfamiliar with Lavater directly, but, in any case, Lavater shows us how readily the idea of spirits and the threats to or alterations of the state are linked within the popular imagination. Even if the ghost is read as a malicious devil lacking the true substance of the murdered monarch, it still might represent a harbinger of such problems and alterations of the Danish state.

Skeptical in his own right and possibly conforming to the Stoic distinction between cataleptic and acataleptic impressions, Horatio, it seems, demands confirmation as to whether or not Marcellus and Barnardo suffer from an acataleptic impression of the dead king, but even when his own experience proves it true, his skepticism extends to precisely what the apparition is supposed to mean. Even if they collectively confirm the presence of something “like” the dead king, the meaning of the its appearance can mean a variety of things. It may, for example, still be the deceiving demon that Horatio later cautions Hamlet against. Having proved through personal experience and having confirmed through collective experience that something is present, Horatio, like, to a lesser extent, Hamlet, must determine the origins and meaning of its appearance. His seemingly Stoic sensibilities and his non-philosophical skepticism creates a situation where he is never fully assured of the ghost’s meaning that he personally witnesses. Like Lavater, too, he tends to doubt the actual presence of the dead monarch while simultaneously holding open the very real possibility that it is some sort of qenuine quasi-physical vision which he leaves to Hamlet to determine.

It is tempting to think that the apparition witnessed by so many parties in the first scene of the play foretells of an alteration of the state in a similar way. Old Hamlet’s Ghost, similarly armed in full armor, might be the harbinger of a time of great political unrest and disquiet, and, might, even reveal the ultimate transfer of power to Fortinbras. This is neither to say that Shakespeare read Lavater, though it is likely Shakespeare knew of him, nor to suggest that Shakespeare would have necessarily held the same views even if he had read Lavater, but it is intriguing to consider that the play poses both issues in conjunction and contention within its opening salvo, issues that will never fully be resolved even by the play’s end. The ghost’s appearance leads to the “utter undoing” of Denmark’s ruling order, ultimately transferring power from traditional Danish royalty to Fortinbras, a foreign authority and power.

An illustration of Hamlet and the Ghost from the verse "Hamlet: The Comic Song."

An illustration of Hamlet and the Ghost from the verse “Hamlet: The Comic Song.”19

For someone of Lavater’s persuasion, a spirit in full armor represents an omen of an impending alteration of state. In Shakespeare’s play, the status of the ghost remains unclear, but its appearance both shows that there is something rotten in the state of Denmark and helps precipitate the alteration of state in the form of Fortinbras’ ultimate assumption of the throne. Noting the parallels between Lavater’s take and Shakespeare’s play does not necessarily resolve whether or not the spirit is either the actual spirit of Old Hamlet or if it is a demon assuming the guise of Old Hamlet, but it does allow us to feel the presence of the supernatural in the world of the play. As with Macbeth, the issue remains open as to whether the apparition, like the witches, help cause the events or if they merely foretell of their coming. While I am not trying to say that a stance like Lavater’s is the only conclusion or that Shakespeare directly draws from Lavater, I do think such a reading would have been available to some within Hamlet’s original audience.

Several readings, presumably, would have been available to a contemporary audience, existing simultaneously within the realm of interpretive possibility. The first, those that who accepted without question the existence of true ghosts and spirits like Kramer and Sprenger or James Stuart could see the Ghost as the true form of the dead ruler. The second, those that acknowledge the possibility of marvelous sights and visions, like Lavater, could see the political significance of the armed spirit’s appearance while denying the possibility that they are true spirits or souls of the dead. The third, those who attributed most aberrant perception to natural causes and to melancholy like Weyer or Scot, could see the apparition as the projection of disordered and melancholic bodies and minds. All of these types, including the last, however, typically acknowledge the possible real influence of benevolent or malicious spirits even as they disagreed about the extent to which those entities could shape sense and what those appearances meant, and, though I have separated them into distinct types here, they often blend and merge with one another.

As I said previously, the natural explanations of those like Weyer and Scot tend towards what I call a perimaterial order which closes some of the connections available between a perceiver and her world. Kramer, Sprenger, and James all leave open the full paramaterial possibility that the supernatural world can inform and influence either the world or perception. As I said before, however, even the most extremely natural in their explanations of aberrant perception, prior, at the very least, to the seventeenth century, still often saw the perceptual process, in ordinary perception, as remaining open and positioned somewhere between the material and immaterial; a place that I continue to call the paramaterial. If we look back at the description of the Devil’s powers in Weyer that I cited previously, his explanatory system is not all that different from those found in Kramer and Sprenger even as the scope of his natural explanations are much broader.

In spite of this, James Stuart still famously referred to both Weyer and Scot as proclaiming a Sadducceanism, denying the realm of the spiritual and the soul altogether. While those like James Stuart mischaracterized Weyer and Scot, very few even by the late sixteenth century openly held such an extreme position and accounted for all such phenomena through Galenic medicine. This is not to say such a position was entirely unavailable, but was much more uncommon than it would seem if one was only familiar with critics of natural approaches like King James. While not exhaustive, these three types of reader constitute what I find to be the most common early modern responses to witchcraft phenomena. I have yet to find someone who explicitly denies the influence of the supernatural altogether in the way that James suggests. Though Reginald Scot comes the closest, the response to his Discoverie shows how dangerous such outright denials would have been as well as to show the limits of skeptical questions regarding supernatural influences.

On the naïve level, those who accept the ghost as the true spirit of the dead king can see the play, as Hamlet does, as a simple tale of revenge prompted and sanctioned by Heaven and Hell. Such a view, while naively accepting the presence of the fictional ghost, allows for an extreme form of paramateriality in which natural and supernatural realms interact and merge within the perceived world. For those more skeptical of supernatural influence, they could see the appearance of a form like the dead king as a sign of Hamlet’s melancholically produced delusion; a projection of his sunburned brain upon the political and familial situation. In this, an astute reader must acknowledge that the form visible to others in I.i. has an existence independent of Hamlet’s mind, yet, they can still question the reality of the experience of the speaking spirit that confirms for Hamlet his “prophetic soul.” As such, however, the initial appearance to others might simply mean, as Lavater says of his armed spirit, that change is coming to the ruling order. In both types of reading, natural explanations might explain the spirit that speaks to Hamlet directly. In accordance with this natural account and more perimaterial reading of the ghost’s subsequent appearance and conference with the titular character, the ghost becomes a phantasmal projection of Hamlet’s interior phantasm. The “man” Hamlet reports seeing in his “mind’s eye” in I.ii. is made manifest on the stage. As such, Hamlet’s supposed internal vision becomes physical as the actor playing the Ghost offers its own “impressions” on the external and internal senses of the audience.

The speaking spirit Hamlet later encounters, for most purposes, should be bracketed off from the visible spirit of act I.i.. As is well known, while the visible apparition has multiple confirming witnesses, the spirit that speaks only does so to the character of Hamlet. Since Gertrude does not perceive the spirit during the closet scene, it calls into question whether the speaking spirit Hamlet encounters and converses with previously, and we can never be sure if it constitutes either an externally or internally constructed phantasm. For physicians like Johann Weyer, many witchcraft phenomena emerge from melancholic matter within the spirits of the brain, which cause the perceiver to experience that which is within as if it came from without. The self-identifying and self-reporting melancholic prince may experience such events without their actually being present.

III. “Who’s there?”: Performing Phantasms
 

Complicating matters even further, however, is that the audience does experience the ghost’s words both in the earlier scene and in the later closet scene. The situation in Hamlet differs dramatically from Macbeth’s encounter with the dagger which, depending upon the production, either chooses to display a visible dagger to its audience or to rely solely upon Macbeth’s self-report. With Macbeth, the dagger scene either confirms that a supernatural presence propels the eponymous character towards action or reveals Macbeth’s possibly delusional private phantasy. The audience’s understanding can be pushed in either direction depending upon whether or not the director chooses to display a visible dagger or not. In Hamlet, we encounter the ghost along with the other characters, even when someone like Gertrude within the world of the play cannot. For us, the physical presence of the actor upon the stage creates a disjunction in which the audience is either pulled into Hamlet’s private experience or which confirms the supernatural reality of the ghost’s real presence.

The Ghost Scene performed on stage.

The Ghost Scene performed on stage.20

Again, this fact does not help us resolve the central problem of whether or not the apparition is either the spirit of the dead king, if it is a demon in disguise, or if the speaking spirit is supposed to be the psychomachic projection of Hamlet’s melancholic brain, but, had Shakespeare not included the Ghost’s dialogue, a director could more easily decide to either highlight Hamlet’s emergent madness by not staging the ghost’s physical presence or more strongly confirm our link to the central character by showing him to us. Instead, Shakespeare provides a phantasm that speaks which must—at least if they decide to preserve the lines—impress a physical presence upon the audience. Even if we speculate that Hamlet talks to the incorporeal air, we are provided some form of physical presence. We, in essence, share the same perceptual field with Hamlet, encountering both the visual and auditory impressions the actor playing the ghost provides us.

The melancholic Prince might not be above the level of hallucination since the black bile was the one most related to aberrant phenomenal experience and delusion. As Lavater says,

…it can not be denied, but that some men which either by dispositions of nature, or for that they have sustained great misery, are now become heavy and full of melancholy, imagine many times with themselves being alone, miraculous and strange things. Sometimes they affirm in great soothe, that they verily hear and see this or that thing, which notwithstanding neither they nor yet any other man did once see or hear. (Lavater 10).

Many late medieval and early modern physicians would agree. For example, Du Laurens speaks of melancholics similarly, claiming that melancholy generates false perception and sensory experience. He says,

The melancholike partie may see that which is within his owne braine, but under another forme, because that the spirits and blacke vapours continually passe by the sinewes, veines and arteries, from the braine unto the eye, which causeth it to see many shadowes and untrue apparitions in the aire, whereupon from the eye the formes thereof are conveyed unto the imagination, which being continualie served with the same dish, abideth continuallie in feare and terror. (Du Laurens 92).

From such a position, the material or natural account, or perimaterial reading, could argue that apart from the more broadly visible spirit of the early scenes, that he ghost is a product of Hamlet’s melancholy. The image of his father, in the spirits of his brain, become, for him as for the audience, a visible and auditory reality. Hamlet, who “dotes” upon the image of his dead father and whose “prophetic soul” already suspects his uncle for murder, may be feeding his own fear and terror with a projection from his phantasy. Such a position places the philosophical skeptic in a situation where all of sensible reality might seem little more than a phantasm or an imagination. If melancholy can produce delusions of reality from the depths of the brain, what is to secure the reality of any perception?

Humoral theories held sway well into and sometimes past the seventeenth century, but, in each, the presence of an abundance of melancholy in the spirits of the brain, and especially its presence in the phantasy could produce delusions and hallucinations. While we cannot say definitively whether Hamlet suffers from demonically inspired delusions or that he suffers from melancholic hallucinations, he does report that the image of his dead father is an object upon which he fixates or “dotes.” Humoralism was still current even by the time of Burton in the early seventeenth century in both natural and supernatural forms, the paramaterial and the tending-towards-the-perimaterial. While a majority of his Anatomy of Melancholy describes the material, natural, and non-natural causes and effects of melancholy on perception and upon thought, he also includes sections on supernatural causes of melancholy. Burton will not settle whether they have mostly material causes, but he does expose how melancholy and witchcraft merge in the popular imagination when he says,

Agrippa and Lavater are persuaded that this humour invites the devil to it, wheresoever it is in extremity, and, of all other, melancholy persons are most subject to diabolical temptations and illusions, and most apt to entertain them, and the devil best able to work upon them. But whether by obsession, or possession, or otherwise, I will not determine. (Burton Pt I. 200-201).

This blended explanation was the most common form not only in the seventeenth century but also in the sixteenth century. Neither fully subscribing to a fully material explanation, nor willing to allow for many supernatural causes, Burton and others often left the possibility open for each.

Similar issues emerge at the intersection of natural and supernatural causes of aberrant perception. The two attempt to explain phenomena attributed to devils and witches, but both explain an aspect of perception that calls into question the reliability of ordinary perception and experience. The two compete for dominance, but, it should be remembered that even the material accounts sound “modern,” they are decidedly not so. The natural or material readings are not perimaterial to the extent of modern understandings of perception and of the sensorium. Instead, they emerge out of Galenic medicine and a paramaterial model of the mind which continues to stress the relationship between external objects and a perceiver, despite the crises of sense available from within these earlier models. It was not, I contend, until the full collapse of the Galenic and Aristotelian conceptual orders, along with the discovery of the retinal image that ushered in a modern understanding of the subject and more modern perimaterial forms of perception and thought. It was an overall shift away from a shaping of sense and more towards a modern making of sense.

Though we can never provide a single answer to the questions around the margins of what the issue of the real presence of Old Hamlet means, we can explore how the different available possibilities might have appeared to different types of early modern audience members. In this, I somewhat follow the interpretive framework sketched by Gareth Roberts in an article on Doctor Faustus, “Marlowe and the metaphysics of magicians.” There, Roberts argues that three forms of discourse on witchcraft can be found in Marlowe’s play and within early modern culture at large. Roberts offers orthodox magic, high magic, and popular belief as interpretive frameworks, but I would like to frame my discussion through a triangulation of authors on ghosts and aberrant perception rather than through three different distinct types.21 To me, framing the issue through Kramer and Sprenger, Lavater, and Reginald Scot provides a useful triangulation through which to view range of responses to how theories of perception intersect with the notions of spirits and ghosts. Rather than just embodying three distinct types of theory of magic, these three groups of authors, to me, embody a spectrum of paramaterial theories of perception that are variously more open to external influence to the more closed and insular, and those that are open to supernatural causes and those that are more limited to natural accounts.

If we do not take the ghost as true, we are potentially engaged, therefore, in either a melancholic or a demonic vision along with Hamlet. The stage and the actors which occupy it provide us with a certain sensory experience, but, as with the ghost, our collective experience does not settle what such a phenomenon might mean. The actors themselves, like the potentially demonic spirit, assume and present forms that are not their own. Like the spirit of I.i., the actors offer a phenomenal reality complete with externally assured confirmation, but, as with the spirit, we neither know what those phantasms mean nor whether we should trust the appearances they present. In fact, at an important level, we know that the stage offers only an appearance or deception, but it one that is crafted to deceive. Such a fact does not necessarily equate the stage and its actors to deceiving devils, but it does open up the possibility.22

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Hamlet encounters the Ghost.23

Since the devil, according to people like Lavater, assume forms that are not their own in order to deceive and trick their perceivers into either thinking or acting differently, the stage has the potential to do likewise. The physical presence of the actors offer sensible species of reality, but the illusion offered in the context of the theater shapes that into the phantasm of a character. The actors both are and are not themselves and are and are not their characters. The physical presence of the stage ensures that the phantasms have more of a unified aspect in the phantasies of their observers and auditors than with the phantasms constructed in the minds of those reading a book.24 For those reading about rather than experiencing the physical presence of another pulls fragments of others and things from the memory, reassembling and recombining them into the figure of a specific character, but an actor gives off sensible species that “impress” themselves on spectators. The character becomes linked in this way to a bodily presence, providing the phantasy with a phantasm that is both a true and a false phantasm. The ambiguous phantasm offered in the theater finds parity in the initial appearance of the spirit in Hamlet. The potentially deceptive nature of the ghost exposes the potential for the demonic nature of the theater.25

Even more strange, however, is that we more readily accept the presence and existence of the phantasm of Old Hamlet when we hear Hamlet’s report in I.ii. than we do of his deceased father elsewhere in the play. Hamlet’s self-report of the phantasm in I.ii. is entirely fictional and illusory; one that has no existence whatsoever. The actor playing Hamlet does not, unless he is legitimately mad or a very great method actor, have a phantasm of Old Hamlet present in his phantasy while he reports its presence. Unlike the “Ghost” we see and experience, we, as audience members, never receive a species or phantasm confirming its presence in the spirits of Hamlet’s mind. We take it at face value and as a genuine and true presence despite its noted absence. The mind behind the actor that we experience is entirely illusory in the way we experience it. Hamlet’s mind is the projection of depth from an illusory surface. In this way, the play gives us more cause to accept the reality of the supernatural than it does in the acceptance of other minds.

The actor may, like the audience by this point, imagine the phantasm of the actor who plays the Ghost within his mind. In doing so, we create a phantasm of a character who is never fully present—much like the phantasm that appears to the soldier in the first scene of Hamlet. The character is only a phantasmal projection which has no existence apart from the “spiritual” form we encounter along with other characters in I.i. The actor has a substantial reality, of course, but the character he plays is a pure phantasm. As with all imaginings of a fictional work, the phantasms are shaped through their context and depend upon and build from physical experiences whether present or those retained from the past. Watching an actor upon the stage, we have the sensible species of the actor, but, when reading, we construct that phantasm from parts already stored within the memory.

What separates our contemporary understanding from the sixteenth century’s understanding of spectatorship, however, is that sensory and perceptual phenomena—the sensible species and their mental equivalents sometimes referred to as phantasms—are, to some extent, theoretically preserved in the matter of the brain, and served as the basis from which thought and subsequent imaginings emerge. The mimetic qualities of the phantasy ensure, where cataleptic impressions are concerned, the relationship of external and internal objects. While “colored,” distorted, complicated, or complimented by the subject experiencing them, the mimetic nature of the sensitive soul preserves some kind of relationship between extra- and intra-mental objects through their persistence in the very matter of the brain. While supplemented with subjective evaluations, the system explains the relationship of external and mental objects through their retention and preservation in the mind. One would imagine that such a system would preclude the extreme skepticism found later in thinkers like Descartes, but the system had complicating factors which raised similar issues and generated epistemological problems.26

We often approach the early modern from the position of the modern, and often do so from a perimaterial perspective which developed, I argue, in the early seventeenth century. While I do not find Descartes solely responsible for this turn, he is positioned at a key moment where skepticism and newer optical theories converge. While Descartes countered skepticism he offered skepticism in an extreme form before doing so. Part of what allowed for the radical skepticism that Descartes goes on to try to defeat, I argue, is the discovery of the retinal image and its inversion, but he did articulate a form of philosophical skepticism that radically expands its epistemological horizons even if he develops tropes from earlier expressions of skepticism. Even later, another philosopher interested in optics and in defeating philosophical skepticism, Bishop George Berkeley, would counter this new all-encompassing type of philosophical skepticism by developing his Idealism. In the eighteenth century, Berkeley would offer, in his Idealism, an interesting parallel to Descartes’ evil demon. Instead of offering a thought experiment about universal deception at the hands of an evil demon, Berkeley offered what could be thought of as a universal illusion at the hands of God. In this sense, Berkeley offers phenomenal reality as a type of divine illusion in contrast to Descartes’ malicious devil which creates universal delusion.27 Whereas Descartes offers the possibility that a devil might delude us into taking a false phenomenal reality as a true one, Berkeley suggests that phenomenal reality might be a type of illusion structured and sustained by the godhead. Whereas Descartes develops and expands skeptical tropes available in the world of the pre-retinal image, Berkeley’s response, I believe, depends upon this new construction of the senses.28 While the Berkelean Idealism found later might be unavailable in this previous model, these previous models did often expose the faultiness of the phantasy and its objects. In these earlier models of the sensorium and the sensitive soul—at least in many vulgar formulations—the fact that the body could produce acataleptic impressions that emerged from humoral imbalances and the possibility that angels or demons could alter the perception of perceivers posed serious epistemological challenges and problems. The extremist form of those concerns emerge in the work of Descartes, but the problems of epistemology Descartes formulates in the Meditations are imperfectly mirrored in these earlier constructions.

When Descartes questions the sensible reality of his own body including the existence of his hands, he tellingly says,

Again, how could it be denied that these hands or this whole body are mine? Unless perhaps I were to liken myself to madmen, whose brains are so damaged by persistent vapours of melancholia that they firmly maintain they are kings when they are paupers, or say they are dressed in purple when they are naked, or that their heads are made of earthenware, or that they are pumpkins, or made of glass.” (Descartes 77).

Here, Descartes compares his skeptical assault on epistemology and ontology to the common motifs of the melancholic and delusional. He goes on to offer an extreme form of skepticism, including the Cartesian demon, that does doubt the existence of reality, effectively challenging any distinction that could be made between the sane and the mad, but this passage also reveals just how much skepticism, even after the discovery of the retinal image, depended upon the motifs and terms of Galenic medicine.

On the one hand, the delusions of “madmen” challenge the certainty of perception, and, on the other, an evil demon could be producing false phenomena that people experience as true reality. All of experience might, from Descartes’ exaggerated thought experiment, proceed from a devil which creates the illusion of sensible reality. Descartes’ evil demon, however, only constitutes an extreme form of the epistemological concerns already present in sixteenth century culture. The problems posed by a system that needed to acknowledge the influence of angels and demons upon sensation and upon material reality always-already contained the threat to the certainty available through perception.

Descartes’ evil demon, though he is more radically expansive in his thought experiment, exaggerates the fears and anxieties already contained within debates concerning the devil’s ability to manipulate perception and experience. This exaggerated form, however, explicitly exposes the skeptical questioning of the reliability of all human perception. Preceding Descartes, the fact that the devil could create false phantasms and phenomena expose the unreliability of perception, even if those questions were not framed as the devil’s ability to completely fabricate the whole of perceptual reality. As with Old Hamlet’s ghost, Macbeth’s dagger, and Faustus’ displays of skill, the fact that the devil could produce or shape appearance, species, and phantasms, opened the possibility that anything experienced could, in fact, not conform to reality or may be a demonically inspired delusion.

Those approaching delusion from the medical tradition, however, also undermined the reliability of perception, since the humoral condition and disposition of a perceiver might distort, or might even fabricate reality from yet another direction. Such accounts not only challenged theological discussions of spiritual influences, but also highlight the problems inherent in a system that saw more continuity between mind and body. The medical tradition provided a mechanistic hypothesis for aberrant perception and for cases of demonic manipulation. In this, there was the potential to clash with theological explanations, but this mechanistic model similarly undermined the certainty of perception. Again, this side of skepticism resurfaces in Descartes as he points to the delusions of madmen and melancholics to shake our faith in the reliability of ordinary perception. This strain, too, preceded Descartes, and had its foundations in classical skepticism as early as Sextus Empiricus, who argued that judgment could not be reached on the certainty of perception when a perceiver’s humoral disposition could color or manipulate it.

These natural and material accounts seem modern except that they build upon bases decidedly unmodern. ­The sensory system they build from remains firmly paramaterial at its core, but they also grow from and depend upon Galenic humoralism and quasi-Aristotelianism. Early modern skeptics, too, which resemble modern perspectives, often emerges through the discourses of Galenic medicine to trouble the reliability of perception and to argue that all perception is always-already colored by the individual perceiver. Despite these seeming similarities with a modern point of view, the theories of the sensorium emerging from those very same traditions offer the sensitive soul as positioned between the external and the internal, between the material and the immaterial, and between the external object and the mental object. While they acknowledge the shaping of species or phantasms by an individual perceiver, there is a relationship to the world established through them; a kernel of the real accessible to a perceiver. As Horatio claims of the ghost preserved in his memory after his encounter in I.i., it becomes a type of “mote” in the mind.

For the sixteenth-century translator of Sextus many assume to be Sir Walter Raleigh, the faculty responsible for such vulnerabilities is the phantasy or the imagination. Reason, the “Captain,” depended upon the objects and the evaluations offered by the phantasy, and, as du Laurens said, the phantasy could “misse-inform” Reason. The disordered phantasy affected judgment as well as perception, rendering, from a philosophically skeptical position, all perception and knowledge suspect. The phantasy, tasked with transforming sensory data into a form understandable to reason and the soul, remained linked to the body both in its situation within the brain, but also through the sensible spirits that filled it. The quality and condition of those spirits depended upon the humoral disposition of the humoral body as a whole, and a disordered mind could be the result of a disordered body which generated disordered or corrupt spirits. Such theories bring classical up to early modern theories in line with some contemporary movements in neurobiology. Such theories could classify mental as bodily problems and vice versa as coextensive and coexpressive, but, in the early modern period and previously, that point of connection and relation was often situated in the sensitive soul and especially its phantasy. For early modern skeptics rediscovering the classical skepticism of Sextus Empiricus, the phantasy or imagination was the sensitive soul’s point of vulnerability.

Responsible for the initial processing of sensible into mental species, problems within the faculty or within its spirits challenged the reliability of perception and the knowledge available through it. At the same time when mental objects theoretically retained a relationship to external objects, the fact that the recombinative phantasy produced new objects or altered existing ones challenged any unimpeachably secure mimetic bond. The system which theorized mimetic objects derived from the external senses as well as the produced objects in the phantasy grants the spectral objects of the mind a special ontological status. In effect, they become both present-absences and absent-presences. Such is the case with the phantasm of Old Hamlet within Hamlet’s “mind’s eye” which at once remains more linked to the one-time presence of the real dead royal father. The image in the faculty itself has an in-between status precisely by virtue of the process of mimetic-yet-quasi-material process which forged it within young Hamlet’s brain. At the same time, however, its appearance and substance in Hamlet’s mind bears with it a subjective sculpting, shaping, and framing. The model of the sensitive soul, however, granted those objects a paramaterial reality within the very substance of the mind.

Such a system could work in the opposite direction, granting the mental images that were the products of reading and other constructed phantasms a level of material reality. If I am correct to argue that vulgar understandings of the sensitive soul and it’s objects were granted a type of quasi-materiality, or, as I call it, paramateriality, then the new images formed in the phantasy either by reading or by dividing and recombining the parts of objects stored in the memory, they too would be granted a quasi-material or paramaterial status. Those paramaterial entities acquired through perception had their own affective power through the psychophysiological construction of the perceiver’s mind and body, and, so too, did the images constructed in the phantasy of the reader or audience member.

If I am correct that the images in the phantasy have a quasi-material or paramaterial presence in the early modern paramaterial mind, then the images constructed by the recombinative phantasy also, theoretically, has a quasi-material presence even in the absence of a truly external cause. In the context of the theater, the actors leave their presence, though a shaped one, within the minds of their audience. Becaue we are not yet to a cultural and historical situation where the objects of the eye have no relation to the objects in the mind, the audience is somewhat materially altered by their experience of the play, but wht remains “impressed” in their minds, the “mote to trouble the mind’s eye,” is somewhat an illusion, but has a quasi-material presence. The audience is left with illusory phantasms not all that dissimilar from those left by the Ghost within the world of the play.

20131224-080913.jpg

Hamlet, Gertrude, and the Ghost during the Closet scene.29

As such and despite its relationship to the real body of the dead king, the spectral presence encountered in I.i. resembles the spectral presence within Hamlet’s “mind’s eye.” While the apparition in I.i. might not be the form of the actual dead king, the phantasm in Hamlet’s mind’s eye might not actually resemble the dead king. Like it, the mental species or phantasm and ifs meaning for Hamlet might be nothing more than an external form whose significance and reality cannot be confirmed. Hamlet’s impression of his father as a “man” whose like he will never see again transforms this phantasm from one as a man towards one like a god. This complicates matters for us as modern readers, audience members, and critics, since we cannot encounter the real presence of the dead Hamlet, but can only encounter his recreated and reconstructed ghost. That ghost may or may not conform to the real person of the dead king, but it might, in fact, remain a manipulation—either produced by the devil himself or through the colored lens of Hamlet’s phantasy.

The problem remains that for all of Hamlet’s testing, despite the revealed truth of the Ghost’s pronouncement that Claudius killed him, the ontological status of the ghost remains unclear, and would be so even if we did not encounter the ghost on the stage. The theater itself creates a space in which the sensible species or forms presented by its actors simultaneously create both presence and absence. We neither perceive just the actors nor do we perceive just the characters as we watch. Instead, as with the ghost who gives the impression of being Hamlet’s deceased father, those appearances are shaped in a way to deceive.

Theatricality within the play both grieves and encourages Hamlet. While he worries that Gertrude’s tears might be one of the many maligned “shows” of grief that lack substance, he is also motivated by the Player’s ability to alter his appearance in such a realistic way as to make his body show true emotion and feeling. The one makes him skeptical of outward shows while the other exposes his faith in the affective power and potential of fictions and realistic acting. In both cases, however, the shows reveal the possibility of a lack of substance, the shows may cloak the absent reality they perform.

While the theory of the sensitive soul and its paramaterial objects might offer a way out of the appearance/ reality dichotomy to some extent, skeptical problems and questions still emerge from its very construction. The fact remains that, typically, we question less the reliability of the phantasy Hamlet sees in his mind’s eye, even as this phantasm is simply reported upon rather than physically observed. Plenty question the reliability of the other spectral and phantasmic presence of Old Hamlet, despite its physical appearance upon the stage. The two types of phantasms, however, reflect and resemble one another in the indeterminacy they can generate. On the other hand, we cannot see Hamlet’s phantasm of his father though we can see his supposed Ghost, but an image in the melancholic phantasy, it was theorized, could, under the right circumstances, be mistaken for reality and as an externally present form. While the second never explicitly happens within Shakespeare’s play, the possibility of such an occurrence, from within the discussions of the early modern sensorium, helps support the notion that the Ghost Hamlet later encounters only exists in Hamlet’s mind, the “coinage of his brain.” On the other hand, Old Hamlet’s appearance on stage confirms a physical presence to the members of the audience through sensible reality. At the same time, the closet scene reveals that not everyone can or should experience the presence of the Ghost from within the world of the play, but, yet, the udience receives his impression along with Hamlet. Though we are more prone to accept the “reality” of Hamlet’s reported phantasm early in the play, it is, paradoxically, that phantasm that does not and never existed. The actor we see upon the stage has no better or more real phantasm of Old Hamlet in his brain that we do as an audience member, but yet we question the Ghost’s reality though we directly experience him with our own senses, retaining a lingering impression of him well past the close of the play.

The nature of the stage’s effects upon spectators, especially if I am correct to argue that popular understandings of the species, phantasms, or forms are theoretically granted a type of paramaterial reality somewhere between material and immaterial, between world and soul, and between bodily and spiritual, one can being to understand why early moderns who opposed the stage found it such a demonic and subversive force.30 If we read the play as a way to seduce Hamlet towards a course of revenge that endangers Hamlet’s soul, we may equally see a narrative in which the power of the stage compels us to follow a like course. We experience a melancholic vision along with the Prince that may have a demonic origin as we find our catharsis through the sense shaping the play produces. We, like Hamlet, are potentially fallen, and the uncertainty which that fallenness generates, for the Christian tradition, denies the possibility for certainty, even if the objects of the senses remain more linked to their extra-mental originals.31

More to my purpose here, however, is the fact that, according to contemporary discussions of the senses and the sensorium, not much separates the supposedly external phantasms of ghosts from the internal phantasms of the mind and especially the phantasy. Both have the potential to generate philosophical skepticism, even from within a conceptual order designed to maximize the potential for certainty by underscoring a chain of mimesis that converts, by degrees the material into the immaterial, the bodily into something that can interface with the soul, and the world of objects and others into the world of the mind. The externalized phantasm of the Ghost cannot be proven with certainty despite the fact that the audience sensorially experiences him, while we never question the far more invisible and illusory phantasm of Old Hamlet supposedly available to Hamlet’s mind’s eye, though both are constructed from the same stuff, and that stuff is “such stuff as dreams are made on.”32

Bibliography

Bundy, Murray Wright. The Theory of Imagination in Classical and Medieval Thought. Champaign, Illinois: The University of Illinois, 1928.

Carruthers, Mary. The Book of Memory. A Study of Memory in Medieval Culture. New York: Cambridge UP, 1990.

Clark, Stuart. Vanities of the Eye. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009.

Collette, Carolyn P. Species, Phantasms, and Images. vision and Medieval Psychology in The Canterbury Tales. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2001.

Du Laurens, Andreas Richard Surphlet translation. A Discourse of the Preservation of the Sight: Of Melancholike Diseases; of Rheums, and of Old age. London: Felix Kingston for Ralph Jacson, 1599.

Empiricus, Sextus. Outlines of Pyrrhonism. Suffolk: St. Edmundsbury Press Ltd, 2000.

Kramer, Heinrich, and Jakob Sprenger. The Malleus Maleficarum of Heinrich Kramer and James Sprenger. Courier Dover Publications, 1928. Print.

Lavater, Ludwig. Of Ghostes and Spirites Walking by Night. London: Henry Benneyman for Richard Watkyns, 1572.

Maus, Katharine. “Sorcery and Subjectivity in Early Modern Discourses of Witchcraft.” Trevor, Carla Mazzio and Douglas. Historicism, Psychoanalysis, and Early Modern Culture. New York and London: Routedge, 2000. 325-348.

Paré, Ambroise. The workes of that famous chirurgion Ambrose Parey translated out of Latine and compared with. London: Th[omas] Cotes and R[obert] Young, 1634.

Park, David. The Fire Within the Eye. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton UP, 1997.

Raleigh, Sir Walter. The Sceptick. London: Bentley, 1651.

Rene Descartes Translated by Cottingham, Stoothoff and Murdoch. Selected Philosophical Writings. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1999.

Scot, Reginald. The Discoverie of Witchcraft. New York: Dover, 1972.

Shakespeare, William. The Norton Shakespeare: Based on the Oxford Edition. Norton, 1997.

Spruit, Leen. Species Intelligibilis: From Perception to Knowledge. Volume Two: Renaissance Controversies, Later Scholasticism, and the Elimination of the Intelligible Species in Modern Philosophy. New York: Brill, 1995.

Stuart, James. Daemonologie. New Bern, North Carolina: Godolphin House, 1996.

Tachau, Katherine H. Vision and Certitude in the Age of Ockham. Optics, Epistemology, and the Foundation of Semantics. Amsterdam: Brill, 1988.

Weyer, Johann. Witches, Devils, and Doctors in the Renaissance. Binghampton, New York: 1991, 1991.

  1. See the original along with the original details at Folger’s LUNA image database here.  (back)
  2. Critics of the medieval period are typically much better in this regard. Mary Carruthers has two wonderful books on medieval thought. More recently, Carolyn P. Collette devotes an entire book, Species, Phantasms, and Images: Vision and Medieval Psychology in The Canterbury Tales, to the species and phantasms in medieval literature. To my knowledge, however, few critics have offered a sustained analysis of early modern faculty psychology and the objects of those faculties, especially as it relates to the literature of the early modern period. The rare exception is Stuart Clark’s brilliantly wonderful books, Thinking with Demons and Vanities of the Eye. The most comprehensive book on the historical constructions of the phantasy or the imagination from classical antiquity to the early Renaissance is still Murray Wright Bundy’s The Theory of Imagination in Classical and Medieval Thought, originally published in 1928.  (back)
  3. See my previous digital essay on A Midsummer Night’s Dream here.  (back)
  4. Archive.org has a wonderful scan of the book in its entirety available for free download here.  (back)
  5. I do think the epistemological horizons of such questions greatly expanded, however, with the developments towards mind-body dualism on the one hand and towards a radical materialism on the other.  (back)
  6. I hope to add another post regarding the “substantial” nature of the phantasms and their meaning for mourning and melancholia in Shakespeare’s Hamlet as a followup to this post soon.  (back)
  7. For the material nature of the phantasms and their role in explanations of generation, see my previous post on Ambroise Paré. I hope to develop this further by expanding and extending the points I make there about the French physician to discuss English sources and discourses soon.  (back)
  8. See my forthcoming post on Marlowe’s Doctor Faustus, tentatively titled, “’True Substantial Bodies’: Phantas[e]ies of Devilish Sense Making,” especially the second section, “Of Good and Evil in the Paramaterial Sense.”  (back)
  9. As I said previously, I will try to develop these ideas further in a later post, but wanted to provide a brief sketch of an interpretive possibility here.  (back)
  10. See my essay on Marlowe’s Doctor Faustus and “true substantial bodies” to be posted in the not too distant future.  (back)
  11. For more information about and a better quality version of this engraving, check out its entry at Folger’s LUNA site here.  (back)
  12. Find the full text at the Internet Archive, here.  (back)
  13. See Lawrence Babb’s The Enlgish Malady, especially pages 106-110.  (back)
  14. See Murray Wright Bundy’s The Theory of the Imagination in Classical and Mediaeval Thought. On cataleptic and non-cataleptic impressions, discusses the impression in Stoic thought as follows:

    This mental impression which they regarded as basic for conceptual thought they called the ‘cataleptic phantasy’, the mental impression which compels assent or acceptance as true, a criterion of facts produced by a real object, and conformable with that object. The non-cataleptic phantasy, then, would be defined as the mental impression which has no relation to reality, or, if it has, then such that there is no correspondence between the appearance and reality, but only a vague and indistinct representation. (Bundy 88-89).

    He goes on to argue that the skeptics like Sextus challenged this distinction and declared all impressions essentially non-cataleptic.  (back)

  15. In truth, they commonly meet in the sensus communis, but, by the sixteenth century, popular discussions of the mental faculties often saw the “common sense” as a part of the imagination or phantasy.  (back)
  16. Original pulled by me from the EEBO version, found here.  (back)
  17. I will expand upon this triangulation in future post, but I do see the figures I offer here as providing a fairly comprehensive range of responses to the issue of demonic influence upon the world.I would love more feedback on this issue, so if you have any thoughts feel free to comment or email me directly at senseshaper@gmail.com.  (back)
  18. It is my contention that the discovery of the retinal image reinforced and helped the development towards systems that were more “natural” and perimaterial, further closing off the permeable boundaries of the earlier theories of perception and models of a perceiver.  (back)
  19. Information about and original of found here.  (back)
  20. Although lacking a date, details and a larger version of this can be found at the Folger Library’s LUNA site.  (back)
  21. See especially pages 62-64.  (back)
  22. I do, however, think Marlowe more explicitly toys with this idea in his Doctor Faustus, where the demonic is explicitly linked to the problem of performance. In that play, so concerned as it is with the appearances, phantasms, and species conjured by the magician through the power and agency of his association with the demonic, Marlowe toys with the idea that the stage itself is a malevolent force of deception. Of course, Marlowe may be playing with such ideas to satirize or criticize them.  (back)
  23. See the original at Folger’s LUNA site.  (back)
  24. I will discuss the role of the phantasy, the species and the phantasms in the process of reading in another post. I also hope to develop this aspect of live performance as it relates to early modern theories of perception further, and this should be taken as an exploratory essay to determine if the theory of the phantasms can help inform our understanding of medieval and early modern drama. I realize, at this point, I’m not saying anything particularly new about performance, but I do think our understanding of early drama and reading practices can be deepened by attending to the ways in which the sensitive soul played an important role in the experience of both types of fictions.  (back)
  25. While I will not go into the parallels in depth here, the demonic nature of the theater and of the manipulation of phantasms becomes even more clear in a play like Christopher Marlowe’s Doctor Faustus. There, theater is used for malicious ends as Lucifer uses performance to turn Faustus away from thoughts about repentance and back towards the devil by presenting the true forms of the seven deadly sins. Additionally, Faustus’ “power” consists in manipulating appearance and reality through tricks and feats typically explained in witchcraft discourses through the devil’s ability to manipulate the phantasms and species.  (back)
  26. See, for example, my discussion of Joseph Mede who suffered a type of skeptical crisis of sense.  (back)
  27. I want to also suggest that this has something to do with Berkeley’s Catholicism. The species have historically played a major role in debates about and explanations of transubstantiation. I hope to soon develop my suggestive hunch here into something much more substantial.  (back)
  28. I will discuss Berkeley and his relationship to the new ocular anatomy in a later post.  (back)
  29. See details about and a larger version of this at Folger’s LUNA site.  (back)
  30. I will discuss this further when I post my pieces on Christopher Marlowe’s Doctor Faustus, skepticism, and faculty psychology at a later time. In brief, I argue there that Faustus plays with the notion of the theater as a space for demonic manipulation and delusion producing. While such critical territory has been well covered by others, I hope that by focusing on the phantasy and its objects, I provide a better framework for viewing the attacks on the stage as producing idols of the mind. I offer that those idols of the mind were much more concrete in their effects upon a spectator precisely because of the ways in which theologians, demonologists, and doctors represented the effects of sensed phenomena upon the individual.  (back)
  31. I would also like to mention another topic that interests me regarding the issues and concerns I raise here. Because the species or phantasms, from my point of view, remain somewhat attached to their originals, even when shaped by an individual perceiver, the melancholic or the one in mourning, like Hamlet, might potentially literally remain fixated on the object of their lost desire. I won’t develop this fully in this note, but I will add another post later that historicizes Freud’s notion of mourning and melancholia along these lines.  (back)
  32. I hope to find the time to offer my thoughts on The Tempest at some point, but I am convinced that the play is equally ripe for a paramaterial reading.  (back)
See the original along with the original details at Folger’s LUNA image database here.
Critics of the medieval period are typically much better in this regard. Mary Carruthers has two wonderful books on medieval thought. More recently, Carolyn P. Collette devotes an entire book, Species, Phantasms, and Images: Vision and Medieval Psychology in The Canterbury Tales, to the species and phantasms in medieval literature. To my knowledge, however, few critics have offered a sustained analysis of early modern faculty psychology and the objects of those faculties, especially as it relates to the literature of the early modern period. The rare exception is Stuart Clark’s brilliantly wonderful books, Thinking with Demons and Vanities of the Eye. The most comprehensive book on the historical constructions of the phantasy or the imagination from classical antiquity to the early Renaissance is still Murray Wright Bundy’s The Theory of Imagination in Classical and Medieval Thought, originally published in 1928.
See my previous digital essay on A Midsummer Night’s Dream here.
Archive.org has a wonderful scan of the book in its entirety available for free download here.
I do think the epistemological horizons of such questions greatly expanded, however, with the developments towards mind-body dualism on the one hand and towards a radical materialism on the other.
I hope to add another post regarding the “substantial” nature of the phantasms and their meaning for mourning and melancholia in Shakespeare’s Hamlet as a followup to this post soon.
For the material nature of the phantasms and their role in explanations of generation, see my previous post on Ambroise Paré. I hope to develop this further by expanding and extending the points I make there about the French physician to discuss English sources and discourses soon.
See my forthcoming post on Marlowe’s Doctor Faustus, tentatively titled, “’True Substantial Bodies’: Phantas[e]ies of Devilish Sense Making,” especially the second section, “Of Good and Evil in the Paramaterial Sense.”
As I said previously, I will try to develop these ideas further in a later post, but wanted to provide a brief sketch of an interpretive possibility here.
See my essay on Marlowe’s Doctor Faustus and “true substantial bodies” to be posted in the not too distant future.
For more information about and a better quality version of this engraving, check out its entry at Folger’s LUNA site here.
Find the full text at the Internet Archive, here.
See Lawrence Babb’s The Enlgish Malady, especially pages 106-110.
See Murray Wright Bundy’s The Theory of the Imagination in Classical and Mediaeval Thought. On cataleptic and non-cataleptic impressions, discusses the impression in Stoic thought as follows:

This mental impression which they regarded as basic for conceptual thought they called the ‘cataleptic phantasy’, the mental impression which compels assent or acceptance as true, a criterion of facts produced by a real object, and conformable with that object. The non-cataleptic phantasy, then, would be defined as the mental impression which has no relation to reality, or, if it has, then such that there is no correspondence between the appearance and reality, but only a vague and indistinct representation. (Bundy 88-89).

He goes on to argue that the skeptics like Sextus challenged this distinction and declared all impressions essentially non-cataleptic.

In truth, they commonly meet in the sensus communis, but, by the sixteenth century, popular discussions of the mental faculties often saw the “common sense” as a part of the imagination or phantasy.
Original pulled by me from the EEBO version, found here.
I will expand upon this triangulation in future post, but I do see the figures I offer here as providing a fairly comprehensive range of responses to the issue of demonic influence upon the world.I would love more feedback on this issue, so if you have any thoughts feel free to comment or email me directly at senseshaper@gmail.com.
It is my contention that the discovery of the retinal image reinforced and helped the development towards systems that were more “natural” and perimaterial, further closing off the permeable boundaries of the earlier theories of perception and models of a perceiver.
Information about and original of found here.
Although lacking a date, details and a larger version of this can be found at the Folger Library’s LUNA site.
See especially pages 62-64.
I do, however, think Marlowe more explicitly toys with this idea in his Doctor Faustus, where the demonic is explicitly linked to the problem of performance. In that play, so concerned as it is with the appearances, phantasms, and species conjured by the magician through the power and agency of his association with the demonic, Marlowe toys with the idea that the stage itself is a malevolent force of deception. Of course, Marlowe may be playing with such ideas to satirize or criticize them.
See the original at Folger’s LUNA site.
I will discuss the role of the phantasy, the species and the phantasms in the process of reading in another post. I also hope to develop this aspect of live performance as it relates to early modern theories of perception further, and this should be taken as an exploratory essay to determine if the theory of the phantasms can help inform our understanding of medieval and early modern drama. I realize, at this point, I’m not saying anything particularly new about performance, but I do think our understanding of early drama and reading practices can be deepened by attending to the ways in which the sensitive soul played an important role in the experience of both types of fictions.
While I will not go into the parallels in depth here, the demonic nature of the theater and of the manipulation of phantasms becomes even more clear in a play like Christopher Marlowe’s Doctor Faustus. There, theater is used for malicious ends as Lucifer uses performance to turn Faustus away from thoughts about repentance and back towards the devil by presenting the true forms of the seven deadly sins. Additionally, Faustus’ “power” consists in manipulating appearance and reality through tricks and feats typically explained in witchcraft discourses through the devil’s ability to manipulate the phantasms and species.
See, for example, my discussion of Joseph Mede who suffered a type of skeptical crisis of sense.
I want to also suggest that this has something to do with Berkeley’s Catholicism. The species have historically played a major role in debates about and explanations of transubstantiation. I hope to soon develop my suggestive hunch here into something much more substantial.
I will discuss Berkeley and his relationship to the new ocular anatomy in a later post.
See details about and a larger version of this at Folger’s LUNA site.
I will discuss this further when I post my pieces on Christopher Marlowe’s Doctor Faustus, skepticism, and faculty psychology at a later time. In brief, I argue there that Faustus plays with the notion of the theater as a space for demonic manipulation and delusion producing. While such critical territory has been well covered by others, I hope that by focusing on the phantasy and its objects, I provide a better framework for viewing the attacks on the stage as producing idols of the mind. I offer that those idols of the mind were much more concrete in their effects upon a spectator precisely because of the ways in which theologians, demonologists, and doctors represented the effects of sensed phenomena upon the individual.
I would also like to mention another topic that interests me regarding the issues and concerns I raise here. Because the species or phantasms, from my point of view, remain somewhat attached to their originals, even when shaped by an individual perceiver, the melancholic or the one in mourning, like Hamlet, might potentially literally remain fixated on the object of their lost desire. I won’t develop this fully in this note, but I will add another post later that historicizes Freud’s notion of mourning and melancholia along these lines.
I hope to find the time to offer my thoughts on The Tempest at some point, but I am convinced that the play is equally ripe for a paramaterial reading.
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Posted in William Shakespeare, Early Modern Senses, Philosophical Skepticism, Shaping Sense, Scholarship Tagged Hamlet, optics, Robert Burton, Malleus Maleficarum, paramaterial, history of vision, witches, Phantasy, William Shakespeare, delusions, philosophical skepticism, early modern senses, cultural studies, Rene Descartes, renaissance, perimaterial, Descartes, Raleigh, senses, ghosts, early modern, Ralegh, Shakespeare, spirits, epistemology, supernatural, skepticism, drama, history of science, Galenic humoralism, vision, Johann Weyer, history of the senses, accounts of demons and witchcraft, Reginald Scot, imagination
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